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ye ean 7 A Os e 
MOLLY MAGUIRES. 


THE ORIGIN, GROWTH, AND CHARACTER 
OF THE ORGANIZATION, - | 


Pie Rene ge BY 


Ee Be DBEWEES, 


A MEMBER OF THE SCHUYLKILL COUNTY BAR. 


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PHILADELPHTA: 


1877. 





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PREPACIE 


In the summer of 1873, James McParlan, a young Irish- 
man attached to the Pinkerton Detective Agency at Chicago, 
was requested by his employers to visit Schuylkill County, 
Pennsylvania, as a detective. He was told that a criminal 
organization, called the ‘*‘ Molly Maguires,’’ was supposed 
to be in existence there, and that it was to be his duty to — 
join the organization, and, if possible, learn its character 
and purposes. McParlan consented to undertake the task, 
but remarked that he did not believe that an organization 
such as described was possible. ‘* Schuylkill County is in 
the mining region, isit not?’’ heasked. ‘‘Yes.’’ ‘You will 
find,’’ he said, ‘‘ that the workmen there make their money 
hard and spend it freely. On pay-day they get drunk, and 
whilst they are under the influence of liquor, and in the 
heat of passion, quarrels arise, and men are sometimes 
killed ; but that does not imply organization, nor is there 
likely to be the kind of work for a detective among them 
that is supposed.’’ 

He came to the anthracite coal regions with the expecta- 
tion that in a few months he would be able to satisfy his 
employers that no such criminal organization as they sup- 
posed had any existence. A few weeks’ residence there 
satisfied him that his impressions as to the condition of 
affairs had been wrong, and that the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ 
were a terrible reality. 

The criminal character and purposes of the organization 


have now been. shown by indubitable evidence, and its 
iii 


4 


> 


Iv. PREFACE. 


existence proven. There is much misapprehension pre- 
vailing, however, as to the extent of the organization, 
and very many non-residents of the coal region wrongly 
confound the members of the ‘Labor Union’’ with the 
** Molly Maguires.’’ Hence it is that in contests between 
capital and labor they are disposed to array themselves on 
the side of capital, because they believe that in the coal 
regions the laborer is lawless. This is rank injustice to 
the laboring man. The subject of capital and labor pre- 
sents in the coal regions the same questions as elsewhere. 

It is sincerely believed that the great majority of the 
miners and laborers of the anthracite coal regions will com- 
pare favorably with any large body of laboring men in 
the world, and that the great body of the Irish-American 
citizens residing there are well-disposed and law-abiding. 
The laborer of the coal region is not a criminal, nor does 
he sympathize with criminals. 

It has been the object of the writer of this book to 
give an intelligible description of the organization, with 
some idea of its extent and influence, and to explain how 
in its operations it affected the business, social, and polit- 
ical relations of the coal regions. He has had to deal 
with living men, and-with events of the present day. He 
has endeavored to the extent of his ability to treat the sub- 
ject discussed without prejudice and without bias. From 
the fact that he was born in the coal region, has lived there 
the greater part of his life, and has personal acquaintance 
with very many of those to whom he refers, his effort may 
not have been entirely successful. .He feels conscious, how- 
ever, that, whilst possibly there may have been a disposition 
to extenuate, he has not ‘‘set down aught in malice.”’ 

It would be impossible to give credit for information to 
all to whom it is due. Whilst valuable aid has been-ren- 
dered by many, special acknowledgment is to be made to 
James McParlan, Captain Linden, and Benjamin Franklin, 


PREFACE. ' 


of the Pinkerton Detective Agency, Hon. F. B. Gowen 
and F. W. Hughes, General Charles Albright, District At- 
torney Kaercher, of Schuylkill County, and District Attor- 
ney Siewers, of Carbon County, and to J. Claude White 
and P. W. Sheafer, Esqs.; also to the AZners’ Journal, 
Shenandoah Herald, and Evening Chronicle, for free access 
to their files; and personal acknowledgment to Thomas 
Foster and Thomas B. Fulder, Esqs., of the Shenandoah 
Herald. 
I egd oop BN 


POTTSVILLE, December, 1876. 


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CON DE NES: 


CHAPTER I. PAGE 
The Molly Maguire in Ireland and the United States ° . : 9 


Crake eR, ds 


The Anthracite Coal Regions of Pennsylvania . ° . A af upaee 


CHAPTER III. 


Relation of the Labor Union and the Molly Maguire—The Molly 
Maguire Political and Otherwise . ° . ° : ° » 323 


CHAB PER LV: 
Societies in Ireland and America . . . . oy tee See 


CHAPTER. V. 
Carbon and Schuylkill Counties, 18612 to 1865 . : : ° ~ 45 


CHAPTES VI. ; 
Schuylkill, Columbia, and Carbon Counties, 1866 to 1871 P RY ike 


CHAPTER VII. 
Coal-Mining Companies—The Pinkerton Agency, . ° ° at tO9 


CHAPTER VIII. ee. 
McParlan the Detective . e . . P P ° ° ee 


CHAPTER: FX. 
McParlan, continued . . z ‘ . P F : F 2 ae 


CHAPTER X. 
The Ancient Order of Hibernians . . ° ° . . « 96 


CHAPTER XI. 


The Long Strike—McParlan, continued , : : . : « 1107 
ix 


x CONTENTS. 


CHARA. Rees 


The Long Strike, continued—The Major Murder—Mahanoy ie 
Convention ., ‘ : ° F : . : 


CHAPTEREXTIL 
Attempted Assassination of William M. Thomas . . : 


CRAP TERN 
Meeting in the Bush—The Majors—John J. Slattery F ° - 


CHAPTER Gv. 
The Murder of Policeman Yost ; Z “ . ‘3 4 


CHAPTER. XVI. 
McParlan at Work—The Murder of Gomer James . . : : 


CHAPTERVAV IL 
Jack Kehoe—Murder of Gwither—Attempted Murder of Riles . 


CHAPTER YA VIL, 


Tamaqua Convention—Who murdered Gomer James?—Sanger 
Murder arranged—Patrick Butler . ih . . : . 


CHAPTER XIX. 


Murder of Sanger and Uren—McParlan on a Committee to murder 
Jones—Murder of Jones by other Parties—Flight of the Assassins 


CHAPTER XX, 
Arrest of Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly—Their Lives threatened 


CHAP T BRA: 
The Molly as a Politician—The Election of 1875 . ‘ ° : 


CHAPTERGAXIL: 
The Autumn of 1875—Waiting for the Trials . . ° . ° 


CHAPTER XAXTII, 
The Trial of Doyle—Confession of Kerrigan . . . ° . 


CHAPTER AXE. 
Arrests of Molly Maguires—McParlan suspected . : . . 


PAGE 


I2rI 


133 


144 


152 


164 


175 


182 


194 


206 


217 


229 


241 


249 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XXV., 


McParlan’s Dangers, and his Escape , ° : . ° 


CHAPTER XXXVI. 


Kerrigan the Informer—The Trial of Kelly—Preparations for the 
Yost Trial. ; : : . ; : ; ° . . 


' CHAPTER XXVII. 


First Trial of the Yost Murderers—More Arrests . a ; 


CHAPTER ALXVITI. 


Molly Plots—Trial of Alec Campbell—Trial of Thomas Munley— 
Second Trial of the Yost Murderers . ° ‘ . - . 


CHAPTER XX 1X. 
The Conspiracy Cases—Trial of Duffy . . F : : : 


CHAPTER XXX. 


Trials of ‘‘ Mollies’’-—The Sheet-Iron Gang—Jackson’s Patch— 
Wholesale Confessions—Sentences . . : . : . 


CHAPTER XXAAT. 
The Murder of Morgan Powell—Trial of Yellow Jack Donahue . 


CHAPTER ZAXTIR 
Trials contrasted—The Catholic Church—Has the End come ? , 


CHAPTER 2XAXKIIL 


Conclusion . . : s : - ‘ 7 ‘ = 


APPENDIX. 
List of Outrages in Schuylkill and Shamokin Regions . ° : 


Murders in Schuylkill County during the Years 1864, 1865, 1866, and 
1867 P . P ° ° ‘ : : ° F : ; 


Test of A. O. H. ;. ‘ > : ; ; : . é 4 
Passwords of A. O. H. : Ave : : : : : : 
Letter of Jack Kehoe to the Shenandoah Herald .. : . 


xi 


PAGE 


260 


275 


285 


298 


310 


322 


332 


344 


355 


359 


372 
375 
376 
379 





HE MOLLY MAGUIRES. 


Ge al coed ba gt oa 
THE MOLLY MAGUIRE IN IRELAND AND THE UNITED STATES, 


Mo.tiy Macurre,—a name identified with sad and terri- 
ble records of violence, of bloodshed and murders in the 
anthracite coal regions of Pennsylvania, and recalling to 
memory tales of equal horror that have been borne across 
the ocean from the Emerald Isle. The murders committ d 
in both localities have a striking resemblance in their in if 
ception, execution, and very frequently in minute details, 
and yet, while we regard the one with a feeling of unmixed 
horror and repulsion, the memory of the other is enveloped 
in a shroud of unhallowed romance. This difference of 
feeling is to a certain extent explainable. In the one case 
crime stands out unrelieved in its naked enormity, whilst 
in the other the feeling with which it is regarded is modi- 
fied by the distance of the scene, the mellowing hand of 
time, and the magic pen of fiction. The tale of unpro- 
voked and aimless murder in Ireland excites resentment 
and inspires horror; nevertheless, the peculiar position 
of the Irish peasant, his modes of thought, and certain 
characteristics of his race, compel a feeling of repulsive 
pity for the assassin. Without entering into the merits 
of the Irish question in relation to England, it is remem- 

; , 9 


> 


# 


<¥ 


3 


ine) THE MOLLY MAGUIRE IN [IRELAND 


bered that England and Ireland are bound together by 
no ties of race, of tradition, or of religion. ‘The one is 
the Saxon, the other the Celt; the one the conqueror, the 
other the unwilling subject; the one the Protestant, the 
other the Catholic. 

The Irish peasant yields but enforced allegiance to the 
house of Hanover, and a species of wild homage is still 
extended to descendants of Celtic kings, rulers of the 
Emerald Isle, whose line extended back to times when the 
Druids erected their altars in primeval forests; to a period 
long anterior to that in which England became a Norman 
conquest ; to an age preceding its invasion by the Saxon, 
and its conquest and occupation by the legions and Ceesars 
of the Roman Empire. ‘To a romantic and impulsive race 
a history passing back through the vista of centuries into 
the regions of fable and myth has a present active mean- 


. ing, whilst the occupation of the ‘‘ hateful Saxon,’’ extend- 
“ing back but three hundred years, appears only a thing of 


yesterday. 

The Irish peasant to- ines as nae first conquered, re- 
gards the English landlord as an alien to his race, his 
country, and his religion; as one to whom only enforced 
respect is due; his presence. is deemed an intrusion, and 
his title to the land is regarded as being held by a dis- 
puted tenure. 

Patriinitely, the lapse of centuries has only to a lim- 
ited degree lessened the asperities created by a union 
founded in force, without elements of mutual sympathy. 
The English, self-satished beyond any other people on earth, 
proud of the strength of their country, its enterprise, its 
wealth, and its civilization, re ard with pitying contempt 
the poverty of their Irish n sig bors, their sentimentality, 
their romance, their brilliant but erratic genius; and this 
contempt and pity have been exercised, with that offensive- 
ness of which Englishmen alone are capable, upon a people 


ry S 





? 
: 


AND\' THE UNITED STATES. a3 


and women among them, or that the majority are not 
well-disposed and law-abiding citizens; those who are in 
intimate communion with them know it to be the case 
that among no other people can there be found warmer 
friends, more generous impulses, more fervent piety. But 
they will also know and feel that even among many of the 
best of the race, among those whose character no man 
dare impugn or gainsay, whose lives are without blemish 
or reproach, is but thinly hidden the feeling of sdetestation 
against the Irishman as an ‘‘ informer,’’ who,’ cognizant of 
crime, seeks to bring the criminal to justice by due course 
of law. * 

By reason of this feeling the Molly Maguire has held 
“high carnival’’ in crime, both in Ireland and in the 
anthracite coal regions of Pennsylvania; and this feeling 
must be thoroughly appreciated in order to understand 
how it is that a people of kindly, generous, and just im- 
pulses may in a civilized land keep the murderer and 
assassin among them, known, feared, and detested, and 
yet the crimes be concealed and the offenders allowed to — 
defy the law and the authorities. 

The Molly Maguire of Ireland stands in the birthplace 
of his ancestors. The history of his race and country, its 
wrongs, and his temptations, plead in extenuation of his 
offenses, and, while we detest his crimes, claim our pity for 
the%criminal. But the Molly Maguire of the coal-fields 
of Pennsylvania can enter none of the pleas which may 
be urged in behalf of his prototype in Ireland. Upon 
this country he has no natural claim or natural right. 
The genius of our government: guarantees constitutional 
freedom to the stranger and the alien as well as to the 
native-born citizen, and to the stranger and the alien’ ~ 
seeking to make this land their home the full rights of the 
native-born citizen are accorded. ‘The enterprise of the 
people, combined with a sparseness of population, the vast 


” 


14 THE MOLLY MAGUIRE IN IRELAND 


expanse of territory, the varied climate, the magnitude 
of our resources, mineral and agricultural, the extended 
system of internal improvements and inland navigation, 
offer inducements to the workers of the world, whether 
capitalists, men of science, or laborers. It is true that 
incidentally ‘‘a refuge for the suffering and oppressed of 
all nations’’ is offered; but this only from the fact that 
our form of government is liberal and our undeveloped re- 
sources present a field for labor ; but the doors are opened 
as wide and the welcome accorded is as hearty to the 
stranger and the alien who has never suffered nor been 
oppressed. Throwing off as far as may be the mere shell 
of time-honored but cumbrous forms, adapted to other ages 
and other conditions of the people, but. seeking to retain 
the kernel of constitutional freedom inherited from English 
sires, and availing ourselves of all the progress of the Old 
World, we take our place young and strong among the 
nations of the earth. Our aims are high, and we seek no 
second place. In pursuit of those-aims we welcome the 
citizens of other lands who join us, and accord to them 
earnest sympathy, equal hopes, and common rights. 

But the privileges and advantages of our government 
and the country, though freely offered to the nations of 
the earth, are forced on none; the stranger may come 
and welcome, but if he does not choose to come, his 
right to stay away is fully accorded. The Irish peasant 

seeks this country of his own free will, and, being here, has 
~ the full rights of the native-born citizen. He is protected 
in his person ; is encouraged to acquire property; his re- 
ligion is respected ; in choosing the rulers and making the 
laws of the. land he has a potent voice. As a laborer, he 
has special privileges accorded by laws securing the pay- 
ment of his wages before ordinary and common debts, and 
in the coal regions, through the medium of Labor Unions 
and what may be termed the ‘‘unwritten law of the 





AND THE UNITED STATES. 15 


mines,’’ he wields extraordinary power over the property 
of others. 

Whatever rights, real or fancied, he may have had to 
the Irish soil, he has not even the pretense of claim to 
any here, except such as he may acquire by virtue of the 
laws of the land. ‘That under these circumstances the 
turbulent spirit which created outrages in Ireland should 
develop itself here in repeated and aimless murders, for 
years undetected and unpunished, excites unmitigated 
horror and condemnation. 

This feeling is wide-spread and deep, and the indignation 
excited throughout the counties wherein these outrages have 
been perpetrated, and through the country at large, can be 
allayed only by the complete and thorough disbanding of 
the ‘* Molly Maguires’’ as an organization, and by evoking 
and maintaining such a spirit of opposition among the 
body of the honest and true Irish people as will render the 
success of such an organization in the future an impossi- 
bility. 

The murders by the Molly Maguires in the coal regions 
of Pennsylvania have been revolting, brutal, and cowardly, 
perpetrated in cold blood, aimless, and without justifica- 
tion, real or imaginary, and must be ever so regarded. 
That such murders could be conceived and perpetrated is 
only rendered possible and at all explainable by taking into 
consideration not only the peculiar training and modes of 
thought of the Irish peasant, before explained, but also 
certain peculiarities of his residence in the coal regions. 
These peculiarities will be hereafter considered. 

, 


16 THE ANTHRACITE COAL REGIONS 


Cie: Do Pei heeels 
THE ANTHRACITE COAL REGIONS OF PENNSYLVANIA. 


THE existence of a band of miscreants regularly organ- 
ized for the commission of crime, extending throughout 
the anthracite coal-fields, had been suspected for twenty 
years past. Frequent and flagrant violations of law, which, 
in the mode of execution and in the instruments employed, 
displayed organization, system, and a defined policy, in- 
duced this suspicion. The crime itself, in connection with 
the mode of its execution, rendered inevitable the con- 
clusion of a grievance, real or imaginary, to be redressed, 
-a tribunal before which such grievance had been consid- 
ered, the offender judged, and the. penalty fixed, and an 
executive of some kind by whom persons were selected to 
carry into execution the decree determined upon. 

In the years directly prior and subsequent to 1830, when 
the value of anthracite coal was fully recognized as a fuel, 
an era of speculation in coal lands and coal mining, re- 
sembling in its main features the days of the gold fever 
of 1849 in California, and the later excitement in the oil 
regions of Pennsylvania, developed itself. The capitalist, 
the man of enterprise, and the adventurer rushed pell-mell 
to a mountain region theretofore offering but small induce- 
ments to the emigrant, all hoping to realize sudden fortunes 
from a newly-discovered source of wealth. Flourishing 
towns sprang into existence as if by magic, speculation ran 
wild, fortunes were claimed to have been made in a day, 
and all the influences affecting a mining region at fever 
heat were here in full being. The heterogeneous character 


OF PENNSYLVANIA. 17 


of a population, native and foreign, suddenly thrown 
together under an unnatural business stimulus, produced a 
degree of lawlessness that would appear, from like results 
elsewhere, to be necessarily incident to such a condition 
of affairs. Violent altercations, sudden frays, contempt 
for authority or civilized usage, were frequent; but such 
violations of law were spasmodic, arising not from organ- 


ized crime, but from the comparatively unorganized con- 


dition of a new population gathered from all points of the 
compass, acting under undue excitement and not yet settled 
into the calm routine of civilized life. The art of mining. 
was considered, in those days, as being exclusively within 
the knowledge of foreigners, and, as a consequence, the 
foreign miner and laborer were soon in full force in the 
actual workings of the mines. The great majority of this 
class of workmen, who at that time, and since, have settled 
in the coal regions, have proven good and valuable citizens ; 
but with them naturally came the outlaw and the desperado. 


_ To this last class is owing the reign of terror under which 


the coal region for years past has suffered . 

After the first wild excitement had passed, when society 
had become more thoroughly organized, and coal mining 
had settled into a legitimate business,—subject, however, to 
alternate periods of great reverses and unexampled pros- 
perity,—a peculiar distribution of population took place, 
which has not, perhaps, its parallel in any other portion 
of the United States. 

The anthracite coal-fields of Pennsylvania, generally 
recognized as the ‘‘Northern,’’ “‘ Middle,”’ and ‘ South- 
ern’’ coal basins, are comprised within or bounded by a 
line of mountain, which, forming itself some distance 


-eastward from Mauch Chunk, takes, under the name of 


”? 


the **Second Mountain,’’ a southwesterly course to the 

Susquehanna River, leaving the towns of Mauch Chunk, 

Tamaqua, Pottsville, and Tremont to.the north; thence 
, s 


18 THE ANTHRACITE COAL REGIONS 


in a northeasterly course, as the ‘* Peters Mountain,’’ to 
a point nearly southwest from Tower City; thence north- 
westwardly, as ‘‘ Berrie’s Mountain,’’ again crossing the 
Susquehanna; thence southeastwardly to Taylorsville, as 
the ‘‘ Mahantongo Mountain ;’’ thence northwestwardly 
again, in the direction of the Susquehanna, as the ‘‘ Line . 
Mountain ;’’ thence, bearing in a southeasterly direction, 
as the ‘‘ Little Mountain’’ (a misnomer), leaving Shamo- 
kin, Ashland, Shenandoah, and Mahanoy City to the south, 
to a point in Union Township, Schuylkill County. Here 
the mountain runs almost due north for some miles as the 
Catawissa Mountain, when its course is again changed to 
gee southeasterly as the Nescopeck Mountain; thence north 
and northwest as the Wyoming Mountain, and thence 
again in an easterly direction, running north of Wilkes- 
barre and Scranton, as the Shickshinny Mountain. Within 
the area inclosed by this mountain lies all the’ at present 
discovered anthracite coal of Pennsylvania. It embraces 
not only the large basins before named, but also a number 
of comparatively.small detached coal-fields. The investi- 
- gations of recent years have shown these detached basins to 
be so numerous and extensive as to warrant the assertion 
of but one coal-field, inclosed within the line of mountain 
before described, yielding coal wherever sufficient geologi- 
cal height is attained. Within this area are inclosed the 
coal-producing portions of Carbon, Schuylkill, Dauphin, 
Northumberland, Columbia, and Luzerne Counties, and it 
is to a great extent occupied by a series of majestic moun- 
- tains, the Sharp, the Broad, the Big Mahanoy, the Little 
Mahanoy, the Locust, the Green, the Macauley, and 
others. . 

In the red shale measures, lying beneath the coal con- 
glomerates, there have been attempts made at cultivation, 
and in Luzerne County, where the surface of the ground 
is not broken as elsewhere throughout the coal region, a 


a sige 


OF PENNSYLVANIA. 19 


number of good farms are located in the midst of the coal 
measures. ‘The arable land, however, bears but a very 
small proportion to the great mountain-ranges, rich in 
coal and other minerals, which present insurmountable 
obstacles to the agriculturist in sides of rough, hard con- 
glomerate rock. Not only is the amount of tillable land 
limited, but what there is of it is not fully utilized bya 
population whose primary aim is the development of min- 
eral resources, who have but little knowledge of husbandry 
and less taste for the patient toil of the husbandman. Not 
only are the farms confined to a few localities, but sites for 
building-purposes convenient to the mining operations or 
collieries are sometimes difficult to obtain, owing to the 
rough and jagged surface of the country. This fact those 
who have visited Pottsville, Mauch Chunk, and Ashland 
can readily understand. ‘The physical formation of the 
country, in connection with the nature of the business of 
mining coal, which necessitates the employment of large 
bodies of men at fixed points, has gathered together the 
immense population: of the coal region in cities, towns, 
and large settlements. * 

Miles in extent, displaying nature either in its original 
grandeur or defaced by the hand of the woodsman, fre- 
quently intervene, not only between settlements, but be- 
tween any habitations of man. This situation of affairs 
does not strike the visitor to the coal region with surprise, 
for the explanation is patent on the face of the country 
itself; but, in connection with other-causes, it tends to 


* By the census of 1870, the population of the counties in which anthra- 
cite coal is found was as follows, viz., Carbon, 28,144; Schuylkill, 116,428 ; 
Northumberland, 41,444; Luzerne, 160,755. Since the census of 1870 the 
population of these counties has very largely increased. No account is 
here taken of the population of Dauphin and Columbia Counties, where 
important coal operations are located, but which are in extent eriogal 
rather than mining counties. 


20 THE ANTHRACITE COAL REGIONS 


show the possibility of a state of affairs there which, in a 
rich agricultural country, where every foot of the surface 
of the ground is the object of man’s care and is made sub- 
servient to man’s wants, or even in. a densely-populated 
city, under proper police regulations, would be regarded as 
impossible. From the midst of a dense population it is 
but a step to mountain-ranges within whose recesses the 
criminal may hide for weeks or months undisturbed and 
undetected. Not only do the physical character of the 
country and the nature of the business employment tend to 
render the population gregarious, but this result is also, to 
a certain extent, necessitated by the additional facilities 
thereby gained in obtaining supplies of the necessaries of 
life. The fuel with which they are warmed is before them, 
but the food they eat, both animal and vegetable, the 
clothes they wear, and all that is required for every other 
material want, must frequently be brought from a great 
distance. By living in settlements such supplies can there- 
fore be more readily obtained. 
Not only is the singular feature presented of nearly the 
whole population of the coal regions living in cities, towns, 
and small settlements, oftentimes called ‘‘ patches,’’ but the 
character and habits of the population in the several settle- 
ments differ widely from each other. Scranton, Wilkes- 
barre, Mauch Chunk, Pottsville, and Tamaqua are all 
business centres, wherein are located banks, manufacturing 
establishments, the general offices of railroad and coal com- 
panies, large stores, and where, to a great extent, the.wealth 
_ of the region naturally clusters. These cities and towns are 

_ not only business centres, but offer additional inducements, 
social, educational, and religious, to the coal operator and 
those whose means enable them to retire from business, in 
the selection of a place of residence. As a consequence, 
they have lost, in a great degree, the distinctive character 
of mining settlements, and differ, perhaps, from other 


- 


OF PENNSYLVANIA. 21 


places of equal size throughout the country only in being 
more cosmopolitan ; this arising from the wide range em- 
braced by their business operations and the varied character 
of the inhabitants. ‘Towns such as Ashland, Shenandoah, 
Mahanoy City, Minersville, St. Clair, Hazleton, Pittston, 
Plymouth, and many others of large population, to a cer- 
tain degree partake of the character of business and social 
centres, but the mining classes, being largely in the majority, 
regulate and control them. Besides these two classes of 
towns there are a great number of ‘ patches,’’ or settle- 
ments, whose population is entirely composed of miners 
and laborers and those whose business is either directly or 
indirectly connected with the mines. While the admix- 
ture of the foreign element.pervades every part of the re- 
gion, in the large cities and towns native-born citizens of 
the United States hold control, but at the colliery towns the 
power of the foreigner is absolute. In these last still fur- 
ther divisions are made, some being almost exclusively 
composed of Irishmen, with natives of Queens and other 
counties, Ireland, largely in the majority. In such towns 
not only have the manners, customs, and modes of thought 
of the Irish people been transplanted, but even the local 
prejudices incident to certain localities in that beautiful 
but, in many respects, unfortunate land. Coming here 
fresh from the contest with the landlord and land-agent in 
Ireland, with no surrounding influences to teach them their 
error, they,transfer a prejudice which has grown with their 
growth and strengthened with their strength to the coal 
operator and the boss, from whom they derive their sub- 


. . ” 
sistence, and under whose direction they work. . Taught 


from infancy to believe that as against them capital is never 
used except as an instrument of oppression, under the in- 
fluence, sometimes, of real wrongs, but more frequently 
under a mistaken belief of an encroachment upon their 
rights, a spirit of resistance is aroused, which wicked and 


« . 
»= 


ae RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


designing wretches have so used and controlled as to render 
the undetected commission of horrid crimes not only easy 
but, to a certain extent, sympathized with. That the above 
is no justification for such a state of affairs is true ; neverthe- 
less, it explains, or tends to explain, the possibility of its 
existence. 


CECA Peres 


RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE— 
THE MOLLY MAGUIRE POLITICAL AND OTHERWISE. 


For the purpose of showing the possibility of the suc- 
cessful organization and working of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ 
association at this period in the world’s history, in a sec- 
tion of the country densely populated, and teeming with 
mineral wealth of vast importance to the progress and 
growth of the nation, where business has settled into legiti- 
mate channels, where law is respected and maintained by 
the vast majority of the community, where capital to the 
amount of hundreds of millions is invested and wields its 
strong arm in maintenance of the rights of person and 
‘property, some reference to certain characteristics and 
prejudices of the Irish peasant, created and nurtured in his 


~~ native land, appeared unavoidable. It has also been deemed 


necessary to explain how, by reason of the physical forma- 
tion of the coal regions, the nature of coal mining and the 
method of carrying it on, settlements have sprung into ex+ 
istence not only composed. of Irishmen, but representing” 
also, to a great extent, localities in that country, each with 

its ‘local ideas and -prejudices,—Ireland itself, as it were, _ 
transported to the coal regions. It must not be understood 
that any imputation or reflection is intended against thea 


4 
AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE, 23 


character of the miners and laborers of the coal regions. 
Such laborers are composed in the main of foreigners,— 
German, English, Scotch, Welsh, Poles, and Irish,—and 
the assertion is made without fear of contradiction, that 
in no large laboring community in the world can there be 
found better citizens or more abiding respect for law and 
order than among the majority of the coal miners of the 
anthracite regions. Nor is there any intention in any way 
to attack the Irish element or the Irish people. ‘Todo so 
would be in the face of the fact that Ireland is pre-emi- 
nently the land in which orators, poets, statesmen, and 
soldiers have claimed a birthplace or to which they trace 
their lineage. Asa nation they are warm-hearted, gener- 
ous, and impulsive to a fault; brave, romantic, and en- 
thusiastic. Among no other people can be found examples 
of greater heroism or of more sublime self-sacrifice. No 
heart beats more sympathetically to a tale of suffering, and 
no hand responds more kindly to the claim of family, 
friend, or kindred. ‘‘ Their men are brave and their women 
are chaste,’’ has ever been recognized as to them no un- 
meaning eulogy. In their very faults they oftentimes dis- 
play their virtues, and those who have examined most - 
thoroughly into the inside workings of the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’’ organization can recognize in many of their 
crimes, dark, foul, and damnable though they are, traces 
of a perverted chivalry. It is from no mean or ignoble 
characteristic in the Irish people that has arisen the preju- . 
dice under the influence of which they class the witness 
who testifies as to the commission of crime in which he 
had no part with the ‘‘ informer’’ who first instigates and 
then betrays. Nor is the impulse wholly bad which stands 
in behalf of the honor of old Ireland, of race and of re- 
ligion, in earnest support of a criminal through good 


report and through evil report, in whose deeds they have _ 


x part, whose crimes they abhor, and whose professions — 


¢ 
rele s 
we 

* 





24 RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


of religion are felt to be a stigma and a disgrace. To de- 
spise meanness, to maintain confidence, to revere coun- 
try, to cherish family and kindred, to uphold religion, are 
all virtues of the highest order, and yet the perversion of 
these virtues has rendered the existence of the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguires’’ a possibility. ‘The order is composed entirely 
of Irishmen and the sons of Irishmen, professing the 
Roman Catholic faith, and yet their.crimes are regarded 
with intense horror by the body of the Irish people, and 
against the order the Church has hurled its fiercest anath- 
emas, denouncing its members as outlaws, and denying 
them Christian burial. That despite such sentiment of the 
people and such action on the part of the Church the soci- 
ety should. grow and flourish is to be accounted for, as 
before stated, in a romantic and perverted exercise of im- 
pulses founded on virtues. 

The magnitude and length of the ‘‘strikes’’ in the coal 
region, combined with the influence of those ‘‘ strikes,’’ not 
only on business but also on domestic interests, throughout a 
very large section of the country, have drawn special atten- 
tion to the ‘*‘ Laborers’ and Miners’ Union,’’ and an im- 
pression has to some extent obtained that the ‘‘ Labor 
Union,”’ if not identical, is at least in earnest sympathy 
with the ‘* Molly Maguires.’’ The only color for such a 
charge exists in the fact that the great majority of the ‘‘ Mol- 
lies’? belong to the ‘‘ Union,’’ and that the counsels of 
such members were naturally for violent rather than peace- 
able redress, and, further, that most of the notorious out- 
rages committed by ‘‘ Mollies’’ were against capital, as 
represented in property or in the persons of superin- 
tendents and bosses. It is also true that decrees of the 
‘¢Union’’ were enforced under the influence of a fear of 
violence against the disobedient, whether members of the 
‘‘Union”’ or not,’’—a fear strengthened by the marching 
of bodies of men from colliery to colliery, demanding an 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 25 


immediate stoppage of work, and the necessity that has 
arisen to call at different times upon the executive of the 
State for the military to preserve the peace and protect 
property. Nevertheless, the charge of sympathy or willing 
co-operation of the ‘‘ Labor Union,’’ as a body, with the 
** Mollies,’’ is believed to be without foundation. 

Public attention has been specially called, as before re- 
marked, to the ‘‘ Unions’’ of the ‘anthracite coal-fields, 
owing to the wide-spread. effect of their actions upon the 
public at large ; but in the principles upon which they are 
founded, and in their government and general administra- 
tion, they are nearly, if not quite, identical with the vari- 
ous labor and trades unions which have been formed by 
almost every branch of labor, trade, and mechanic art in 
this country and in Europe. 

A charge against them of crime by reason of their organ- 
ization could be brought with equal force against every 
association of a similar character here and elsewhere, and 
would bring up every vexed and mooted question in relation 
to capital and labor, the discussion of which would be 
foreign to the present subject. It may be observed, how- 
ever, just here, that the tendency of the age appears to be to 
centralization, and that capital, which is condensed labor, 
is centralized or combined in great corporations, that 
such corporations combine with one another in further- 
ance of whatever end may be in view, and that that end 
may frequently be subversive of the interest of the laboring 
man or artisan. 3 

To admit the right of combination for the protection of 
capital, and deny it for the protection of labor, would 
seem neither logic nor justice, and this view, both statute 
law and courts, exercising, as they properly should, a fos- 
tering care over labor, have upheld.* 


# A combination of employers to depress the wages of journeymen 
B “ 


26 RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


But be the merits of the question what they may, as has 
been before stated, the great body of the miners and labor- 
ers of the coal region, albeit mostly foreigners, and very 
many of those foreigners Irish, will compare favorably with 
any other large body of laborers, bound by a common in- 
terest, and forming the mass of communities, in the world. 
Whether judging wisely or unwisely of their true interest, 
very many, and in some sections the large majority, of the 
best of such workingmen belong to the ‘‘ Union.”’ 

Nor are these men mere ignorant ‘‘hewers of wood and 
drawers of water.’’ Education, it is true, is not so gen- 
erally diffused among them as among Americans of the 
present or foreigners of the rising generation, but instances 
of a high degree of culture are by no means rare, and 
shrewdness and common sense are usual. 

These men are not murderers, neither do they sympa- 
thize with murder, and none more earnestly rejoice than 


r 
below what they would be if there was no recurrence to artificial means 
by either side, is criminal—Commonwealth vs. Carlisle, Gibson, J., 
Brightly's Reports, 41. 

It must be evident, therefore, that an association is criminal when its 
object is to depress the price of labor below what it would bring if it were 
left without artificial excitement by either masters or journeymen to take 
its chance in the market. . . . A combination to resist oppression, not 
merely supposed but real, would be perfectly innocent.—/ézd., 42. 

There are a variety of British precedents of indictments against journey- 
men for combining to raise their wages, and precedents rank next to de- 
cisions as evidence of the law; but it has been thought sound policy in 
England to put this class of the community under restrictions so severe, by 
statutes that were never extended to this country, that we ought to pause 
before we adopt their law of conspiracy as respects artisans.—/d7d., 37. 

Shaw, C. J.: The averment is this; that the defendants and others 
formed themselves into a society, and agreed not to work for any person 
who should employ any journeyman or other person not a member of 
such society, after notice given him to discharge such workman. The 
manifest intent of the association is to induce all those engaged in the 
same occupation to become members of it. Such purpose is not unlaw- 
ful.--Commonwealth vs. Hunt ef a/., 4 Metcalf, 128. 


SS 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 27 


they in the belief that a reign of terror is over, and that 
law and order will rule instead. 

While it is not and cannot be denied by the ‘‘ Labor 
Union’’ that many of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ belong to the asso- 
ciation, it is a matter of congratulation that only a few of 
those at present recognized as criminals do so. 

And yet it may be that from the manner of enforcing 
‘¢strikes,’’ in the early history of the coal region, arose the 
idea among fugitives from justice, and those who had been 
members of kindred organizations when in Ireland, of 
the practicability of a society for the perpetration of crime 
and the defeat of the course of justice. 

As has been stated, in the early history of the coal trade, 
when speculation ran wild, when society was forming 
itself, when an El] Dorado was sought in mountains of rock, 
whose geology was then an unsolved riddle and is even 
now not fully understood, and which offered no attraction 
except to the angler, the adventurous tourist, or the artist, 
scenes of turbulence, crime, and violence were by no 
means rare. But crime was spasmodic, and such as gener- 
ally accompanies speculative fever in the early days of 
mining enterprise. 

Since anthracite coal mining has become regularly estab- 
lished, it is doubtful whether any great interest of the 
country has been so subject to sudden fluctuation as the 
coal business. In its successful working a very large 
amount of capital is now andshas been required, and yet, 
as a rule, the coal operator or lessee of coal land (for the ~ 
owner has seldom mined his own lands) has been a man 
of enterprise and dash rather than capital. At times the 
profits arising from mining coal have been exceedingly 
large, and for the chances of such periods great risks have 
been taken, and frequent and heavy failures have been a 
natural consequence. 

With the fluctuations of the trade fluctuated the de- 


28 RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


mand for, and wages of, labor. In periods of prosperity 
every available hand was employed, at almost fabulous 
rates, and a heavy draft made on the surplus labor not only 
of this country but also of Europe. In times of reverses 
occurred long days of enforced idleness, with thousands 
out of employment, in a section of country affording com- 
paratively little agricultural or other recourse beyond 
mining. 

The adjustment of wages, therefore, has always been an 
open field for controversy between the employer and em- 
ployed, and misunderstandings and utter estrangement 
have too often been the consequence; the employer look- 
ing upon his men as totally regardless of his interests or 
his misfortunes, and the men, on their part, viewing the 
employer as the representative of capital, ever seeking to 
degrade and trample under foot the rights of labor. ‘The 
few direct points of contact, the different places of resi- 
dence, the different modes of life and associations, intensi- 
fied a state of feeling which was frequently taken advantage 
of and controlled by ruffians, understanding little and 
caring less for the issues at stake, who instigated deeds of 
violence, either in a wanton spirit of evil or to subserve ; 
private ends. 

In consequence of large bodies of workingmen residing - 
in distinct communities and at distant points, and between 
whose members existed a friendship in many instances 
formed beyond the ocean, but who had no acquaintance or 
intercourse with any coal operators, superintendents, or 
bosses other than their own, a system of enforcing danger- 
ous or unlawful demands grew into being. For example, a 
demand for higher wages being made and refused, the parties 
so demanding would remain apparently acquiescent, either 
for the reason that no open conflict would be desired with 
the employer, or that a movement to. enforce such demand 
did not receive the full sanction of the whole body of work- 


Ee 


i 


ae 


«Se 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 29 


men, without whose active aid and co-operation it would 
be ineffectual. The next movement would be to write 
anonymous letters, delivered by a secret hand, or posted 
on the coal-breaker, or other building attached to the 
works, warning obnoxious parties, and generally contain- 
ing threats of personal violence. Such letters or notices 
usually contained rude drawings of coffins and of pistols, 
and have attained wide-spread notoriety, both in this coun- 
try and in Ireland, as ‘‘ coffin notices.’’ If these notices 
were disregarded, personal notice would be given, requiring 
a ‘‘strike,’’ or whatever might have been determined upon, 
by strangers from a distant colliery, unknown to all not 
immediately engaged in the conspiracy. Upon those still 
refusing to obey, further notice was sometimes served, but 
at once the full force of social ostracism would be bfought 
to bear upon them as enemies of the workingman, fre- 
quently followed by waylayings, abuse, and fearful beatings. 

And here let it be remarked that it is a great error 
to assume that the evil deeds of the band of miscreants who 
have infested the coal regions have been altogether against 
persons and property representing capital. Their iron 
rule was felt by all, the high and the low alike, and many 
a poor laboring man has suffered untold hardships, his life 
rendered a curse from constant fear, or has met unexpected 
death at their hands in some unnoticed brawl. , 

The perpetrators of the outrages were generally disguised 
and unknown to the victim, and escape to the woods was 
easy. In those rare cases where a clue to the criminal was 
found or suspected, and the offender brought to the bar of 
justice, the ever-convenient ‘‘ alibi’? was ready, and a ver- 
dict of ‘‘not guilty’? was compelled. It can readily be 
understood how in such a condition of affairs the peace- 
able and well-disposed should succumb to the rule of the 
desperado and the ruffian, the more especially as the pecu- 
liar views relative to ‘‘informers’’ held by that large class 


a 
~] 


30 | RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


of the laboring population represented by Irishmen ren- 
dered the detection of crime still more difficult. 

Nor is it strange that crime, being a success, and going 
unwhipped of justice, should develop in strength, seek or- 
ganization, and revel in the madness of Satanic power. A 
whisper of such organization spread abroad, and the names 
of ‘‘ Buckshot’’* and ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ became household 
words, inspiring far greater wonder and terror in the cot of 
the laborer than in the mansion of the wealthy or among 
the residents of the larger towns. 

It is not generally understood, but it is believed to be 
a fact, that as some protection against this organization 
very many of the best disposed of the miners and laborers 
joined the ‘‘ Labor Union.’’ ‘Through it they sought a 
power by which the actions of an unknown and irrespon- . 
sible set of men could be controlled, and through it they | 
hoped to be enabled to have some voice in questions of 
labor which affected their very existence. Such action on 
their part was not only natural but proper; their labor was 
their capital and their life, and to have some influence as 
to its direction was their first desire. The end in view was, 
however, but partly accomplished. Shortly after the break- 
ing out of the war an era of prosperity in coal-mining 
interests commenced, which continued for some years. 
Wages were high and labor was in demand, and little if 
any attention was paid to the character of the laborer em- 
ployed. 

The ‘‘ Labor Unions’’ increased in numbers, combined, 
extended their connections, and became arrogant. 

This state of affairs gave to the worst element in that or- 
ganization, the idle, the vagabond, and the criminal, undue 
power and influence. 


* The ‘‘ Buckshots’” and ‘‘ Mollies’’ are identical. The name first 
adopted in the coal region was that of ‘‘ Buckshot.” The organization 
can be traced back to 1854 or 1855, and even earlier, 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 31 


It is natural for man to avail himself of power, and the 
power of labor was in the ascendant. Encroachment after 
encroachment was made upon the rights of the employer, 
until it came to be claimed that no man should be em- 
ployed and no man discharged except as sanctioned by 
the ‘*Union.’? The manner of working, the hours of 
working, the superintendents and the bosses, were held 
to be under their control and subject to their direction. 
They claimed a right to fix a rate of wages and times of 
payment, without at the same time according to the em- 
ployer the privilege of refusing their demands and em- 
ploying others in their stead. Some of these acts are 
attributable to the circumstances which gave them the 
power, and others to the pernicious influence of the band 
of criminals who foisted themselves among them. Whilst 
it is an act of simple justice to the leaders of the ‘‘ Labor 
Union’”’ to acknowledge that, as a general rule, the true 
interests of the workingman, from their stand-point, were 
sought to be obtained peaceably and through compromise, 
and whilst in such efforts they had the approval of the 
great body of the society, unreasonable demands were 
pressed through the influence and granted through fear of 
the ‘‘ Molly Maguire.’’ 

Under the influence of orgamzation and of general pros- 
perity, the ‘‘ Mollies’’ increased in numbers and in power. 
Throughout the coal regions they completely controlled 
the organization known as the A. O. H., or Ancient Order 
of Hibernians, and, using that order as'a cloak, endeavored 
to increase still further their numbers and their influence, 
on the pretext that the order is chartered by the Legisla- 
ture for legal and proper purposes as a benevolent associa- 
tion. The ambition of the leaders among them, many of 
whom deserted labor and the mines for the more con- 
genial and influential positions of small tavern and saloon 
keepers, kept pace with their increased power. ,They 


é 


32 RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


sought not only to control the movements of the ‘‘ Labor 
Union,”’ to inspire whole coal-mining interests with a fear 
of their displeasure, but also to have a potent voice in 
politics, township, county, State, and national. The most 
direct object of their ambition existed in the management 
of township affairs and the funds arising from road and 
school taxes. Lands having an immense salable value, 
as high as five hundred dollars, one thousand dollars, and 
even upwards, per acre, were under their influence and 
control, as subjects of assessment and the collection of 
taxes. Possessed of but little taxable property themselves, 
these lands, especially in the way of the fund arising from 
road-taxes, were of immense importance in advancing the 
power and influence of the society. 

A road once constructed on a barren, rocky soil, such as 
the coal region as a general rule presents, costs but little 
to keep in repair, and yet the taxes assessed and levied have 
in some instances been as high as twelve hundred dollars 
per mile in a single year. This money has been used not 
only as a fund by dishonest township officials, but also in 
the interest of parties who only nominally worked upon the 
roads. The misapplication of school funds has not been 
so flagrant and so extensive as that of those collected for 
road purposes. It has nevertheless been a power in perpet- 
uating the reign of terror under which the coal regions have 
been held. In county politics they have, in a number of 
instances, urged with much force members of the organiza- 
tion as. candidates for leading offices, and in Schuylkill 
County succeeded in three instances in electing ‘* Mollies’’ 
to the office of County Commissioner, an office of great 
importance, as one of the powers of the Board of Com- 
missioners is that of appointing the collectors of county 
taxes.* In Schuylkill County also, in one instance, a no- 


%* In Carbon County two “ Mollies’’ have at different times held the 


* 


ve 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 33 


? 


torious ‘‘ Molly,’’ now convicted of high crimes and mis- 
demeanors, succeeded in receiving the nomination for 
Associate Judge, and only failed of the election by a few 
hundred votes out of a poll of many thousands. In every 
election they have exercised a corrupting influence, by the 
demand of money or promises antecedent to their support. 
For State and national offices, townships have been put up 
for sale to the highest bidder, and the vote delivered ac- 
cording to contract. Rumors of a vote to be given on 
account of a pardon to be extended to some offender or 
offenders whom no perjury could save from the meshes of 
the law, have been common; and such pardon, following 
quickly after the result of an election has become known, 
has given those rumors a force and effect they would not 
otherwise possess. 

From both of the great political parties money has been 
demanded in exchange for their support, and it is to be 
feared that members of both parties have yielded to their 
unjust demands. With township offices and township 
funds under their absolute control, with county officials 
under their influence, their votes sought and purchased at 
State and national elections, their crimes rarely detected, 
and when detected often pardoned, it is hardly matter of 
wonder that throughout the coal regions crime held high 
carnival, that fraud was permitted without question, and 
that the murderer shot down his victim in the broad light 
of day and in the presence of many witnesses with scarcely 
a care for concealment. 

The overgrown power of the ‘‘ Labor Union,’’ and the 
burdensome taxation imposed upon real estate through 
the influence of the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization, as well as a 
general feeling of insecurity as to life and property, made 


office of County Commissioner, and a ‘‘ Molly’’ also succeeded in being 
elected to the State Legislature. Both the Democratic and the Repub- 
lican party have been victimized. 


B* 
Fe »*™ 


34 RELATION OF THE LABOR UNION 


the surrender of individual operators to the policy of great 
coal mining and transporting companies of comparatively 
easy accomplishment. The owner of productive coal 
lands, wearied by the continual struggle between his ten- 
ants and the men, whereby his income was seriously 1m- 
paired, was glad to sell his lands at a moderate figure in 
comparison to their true value, whilst the owner of unpro- 
ductive lands, borne down by taxes, and seeing no hope 
in the future, was glad, at a comparatively small price, 
to dispose of property that was becoming an intolerable 
burden. ‘The masses of the people of this country have wit: 
nessed with great misgivings the increasing power of these 
overgrown monopolies; but, dangerous as their great powers - 
may become if vested in unscrupulous hands, it may well 
be doubted if through any other means the evils that 
had sprung into existence could have been rooted out. 
The control and management of the mines, the manner 
of their working, the right to employ and discharge hands, 
were passing away from the owners, and were fast vesting in, 
not the ‘‘Labor Union’’ proper, but the ‘‘ Labor Union”’ 
under the direction of the ‘*‘ Molly Maguires.”’ 

The great companies combined in a struggle for the 
ownership of their property, and in the struggle have 
been materially assisted by the prostration of business 
under which we at present suffer; but it is only at this 
time, after long and careful preparation, that the blow has 
been struck which has broken down an organization as ter- 
rible as any in the world’s history. The detailed statement 
of events connected with the existence of that organiza- 
tion reads like a horrible tale of a past age, of the Thug 
of India, the Bandit of Italy, the Buccaneer of the Spanish — 
main, of scenes afar from civilization, where law was pow- 
erless to defend or punish. ‘That in the second half of the 
nineteenth century, in one of the richest and most populous 
regions of Pennsylvania, with courts of justice in full force, 


AND THE MOLLY MAGUIRE. 35 


and the majority of citizens ready and willing to execute 
the law, property should be*held by only a nominal owner- 
ship, freedom of action be denied to thousands under fear 
of sudden and dreadful death, and the incendiary and 
assassin attempt their hellish work in the broad glare of 
day, would seem utterly incredible, and yet, difficult as it 
is to realize, it is true. 

By the great body of the workingmen of the coal regions 
the maintenance of the rights of property was, if not wel- 
comed, at least cheerfully accorded in. But with the pros- 
tration of business the ‘‘ Molly’’ seemed to madden in his 
career of crime, and to become fairly drunken with blood. 
Deeds of arson and murder were planned in rapid succes- 
sion ; some were foiled, but many were executed. Men 
for merely acting in obedience to orders, or in the line 
of official duty, were shot down like dogs. Murder was 
deemed worthy of reward, and he who committed the 
greatest number and most terrible of crimes took the 
highest social rank in this fearful band. No man’s life was 
felt to be safe; vigilance committees were being formed, 
and probably most fearful retaliation would have been 
meted out, in which, it may be, the innocent would have 
suffered with the guilty, when the arrest of the murderers 
of Johu P. Jones, of Lansford, still fresh from the scene of 
blood, revived hopes that justice, according to the forms 
of law, was still possible. ‘The result has justified these 
hopes. The confessions of the criminals, the testimony of 
James McParlan the detective, the energetic and thorough 
action of the Wilkesbarre Coal and Iron Company and the 
Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company, and 
the firm attitude maintained by court and jury in the dis- 
charge of duty, all render evident the glorious truth that 
the story of ‘* Molly Maguire’’ outrages has passed into 
history, and that the power of the organization for evil is 
broken forever. 


36 SOCIETIES IN IRELAND 


C.EPALP TH Riggie ie 
SOCIETIES IN IRELAND AND AMERICA. 


Ir is doubtful whether the ‘‘ Ribbon’”’ society in Ireland, 
terrible as is its record, even in the days of its greatest 
strength, ever attained a moiety of the power and influ- 
ence reached by the ‘‘ Molly Maguires”’ of the anthracite 
coal-fields of Pennsylvania during the past fifteen years. 
This is perhaps owing to the fact that the Irish peasant in 
the land of his nativity, discontented and turbulent, for 
centuries has been held under subjection and control by 
the strong hand of England. Living on the same estate, 
and frequently in the same miserable cot, occupied by 
generations of his ancestors, poor and down-trodden, his 
means of intercourse with distant points were limited and 
rendered dangerous through the ‘‘spy’’ and ‘‘informer’’ 
in the constant employ of the authorities. Taught, how- 
ever, the full value of combination through the various 
conspiracies instigated by the exiled House of Stuart, 
under the control and management of French emissaries, 
organizations more or less powerful were effected. Such 
organizations, however, although co-operating, bearing the 
same name, and having the same general object in view, 
never attained the same power of combination as that 
reached by the Molly Maguire in the comparatively lim- 
ited area of the anthracite coal-fields, with its immense 
population and rapid means of transit from point to point. 

Among the emigrants to this country, it must be borne 
in mind, an undue proportion of the discontented class of 
Irish peasants found their way. The ravages occasioned by 
the potato-rot in Ireland in 1846 were too great to be borne 


AND AMERICA. 37 


by an overcrowded population already fearfully pressed by 
poverty. Naturally they turned abroad for relief, and the 
United States, offering a broad field for labor at remunera- 
tive wages, was looked upon as a ‘‘harbor of refuge.”’ 
The necessity of some means of relief was recognized by all 
classes, the landlord as well as the tenant, and such relief . 
was felt to be in a course of systematized emigration. As 
a consequence, on some estates inducements to emigrate 
were offered and a portion of the expenses defrayed by the 
landlord. In some instances emigration was practically 
required, and where this was the case it can readily be un- 
derstood that coercive means were applied to the criminal 
or the turbulent. It was not uncommon to collude in the 
flight of criminals from the country, and to offer aid and 
advice to those suspected of criminal acts to save them- 
selves from prosecution by a voyage across the ocean. 

In many instances those who had been lawless under the 


influence of bad association and dire necessity in Ireland ~ 


have, by counter-influences in this land, developed into 
good and valuable citizens. But in too many cases a turbu-— 
lent spirit of resistance to lawful authority, together with 
a morbid suspicion and fear of encroachments upon their 
rights and privileges, has developed itself into a wild and 
unreasoning cry for justice where no oppression was in- 
tended or offered, and has resulted in deeds of fearful 
crime, which have tended to sully the Irish name and 
thrown a stain—unjustly, it is contended and believed— 
on the Irish character. The spirit and genius of our civ- 
ilization and laws are not repressive; with us, the most 
effective rules of conduct are enforced by public sentiment, 
stronger far than penal statute, court of justice, or minister 
of law, and that sentiment, as a general rule, is overwhelm- 
ingly in favor of submission to lawful authority. By reason 
of this general disposition on the part of the whole body 
of the people, associations and societies, secret and other- 
4 


38 SOCIETIES IN IRELAND 


wise, for almost every conceivable purpose, are sanctioned 
by the law and are regarded with no suspicion. 

The A. OQ. H., or Ancient Order of Hibernians, a so- 
ciety regularly NconnOraten under the laws of Pennsylvania 
as a beneficial association, and connecting itself with divi- 
sions of the order throughout the United States and Great 
Britain, has been controlled throughout the greater por- 
tion of the anthracite coal-fields of Pennsylvania for a few 
years past by the class of Irishmen known as the Molly Ma- 
guires. Through the medium of this order a thorough and _ 
complete organization of the worst classes throughout the 
coal region has been effected. The avowed object of the 
society as a beneficial association has been, so far as can 
be learned, entirely dropped, and in the heart of the most 
populous towns, before the eyes of the whole community, 
conventions have been held in which crimes have been 
planned, considered, and approved, and murder agreed to 
be rewarded. 

It was by means of this organization, through which unity 
of action was attainable, that a political influence was ac- 
quired that for a time seemed to render the Molly Maguire 
omnipotent for evil. That the society has existed in some 
form and under various names as far back as 1855, or per- 
haps before, there is little doubt, but prior to 1862 or 1863 
it was confined to particular localities, and, although the 
instrument of much evil, had not reached the degree of 
arrogant confidence attained in.after-years, and only now 
shaken by the terrible revelations in regard to its true ob- 
jects and character. | 

The Ancient Order of Hibernians is a society having 2 
large membership throughout the United States and Great 
Britain. It is said to contain among’its active members 
men of high character and unblemished lives, and the 
avowed object of its formation is not only lawful but good. 
There is no conclusive evidence. which connects the order 


AND AMERICA. 39 


outside of the coal region with criminal acts, in this country 
or in Great Britain, and it is but simple justice, until the 
contrary is shown, to believe that the name and charter of 
the association were taken possession of by the ‘‘ Molly”’ 
outlaws in violation of the general principles of the order.* 
It is true that it is a matter in testimony ina case of ‘‘ con- 
spiracy to commit murder,’”’ tried in Schuylkill County in 
August, 1876, that the leading officers of the order in the 
city of New York used money belonging to the associa- 
tion to aid a criminal member in fleeing from justice. A 
charitable view of the transaction would ascribe so unwar- 
rantable an act to individual sympathy of men in what 
was seemingly a benevolent act, rather than to recognized 
official authority to defeat the ends of justice. It is al- 
leged, however, that the national delegates at New York 
have assessed the sum of five dollars on each division of 
the order—some six thousand in number—throughout the 
United States, making in the aggregate the sum of thirty 
thousand dollars, to defray the expenses of the defense of 
the ‘* Mollies’’ charged with crime in the coal region. This 
has produced open revolt in the case of one division, and 
their action in making the assessment-is regarded by the 
public generally with strong disapproval. It is, however, 
by-no means conclusive evidence of either the sympathy or 
complicity of the order generally in. criminal acts. Men, 
however criminal, are entitled to all the protection the law 
affords, and are justly entitled to a fair trial and the 
benefit of able counsel.. That some such feeling rather 
than a consciousness of common guilt controlled what 
must be considered under the circumstances the ill-advised 


* John J. Slattery, an influential member, testified at Mauch. Chunk, 
October 21, 1876, as follows, viz.: ‘‘ I have it from members and county 
delegates, and others, that the entire organization from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, and from the Gulf of Mexico to Maine, is criminal in its char- 
acter.” 


40 SOCIETIES IN TRELAND 


action of the national delegates, it is but fair to assume. 
That the order throughout this country and Great Britain 
has not openly and officially repudiated and denounced 
those who in the coal regions have brought a lasting stigma 
and disgrace upon the organization, is not so readily under- 
stood. ‘To do so would appear natural as a means of self- 
protection and self-justification ; that it has not been done 
is a matter of deep regret to those who are sincerely and 
earnestly anxious to believe that no considerable body of 
American citizens, whatever may be the place of their na- 
tivity, sympathize with ruffians, incendiaries, and assassins. 
Had the lodges or chapters of any other organization in 
the United States been proven to have used their organiza- 
tion in a manner contrary to the purposes of its creation, 
and to have been guilty of one tithe of the crimes already 
proven to have been committed under the sanction of divi- 
sions of the A. O. H. in Schuylkill, Northumberland, and 
Carbon Counties, earnest and open disavowal would have 
been instant and thorough, by the official action of the or- 
ganization at large, and by the individual members of it. 
That denunciation has not followed the exposure of crime 
in this instance is only explainable—consistently with en- 
tire innocence—by keeping in view the clannish character 
of the Irish people, their thorough detestation of the 
‘‘informer,’’ and a mistaken sense of honor, which would 
characterize the desertion of the coal-region fiends in the 
hour of their overthrow as cowardly and base. 

It is to be hoped that before these remarks are pub- 
lished to the world such disavowal shall have been made. 
That there should be any question whatever on the subject 
serves to illustrate to some extent a power and influence of 
the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization painful to acknowledge. 

Whilst the Molly Maguire of the United States, in his 
inception of crime, in his method of notifying the in- 
tended victim, and in his mode of perpetration of outrage, 


AND AMERICA. 41 


bears a striking likeness to his prototypes, the Ribbonman 
and Molly Maguire of Ireland, it is believed that no other 
connection exists. 

The Ribbon Society, whose deeds fill so large a space in 
the annals of crime in Ireland, was organized in mainten- 
ance of what were claimed to be the just and inalienable 
rights and privileges of the tenants relative to the landed 
estates. As has been before stated, the education of the 
Irish peasant, his religion, and a prejudice, the growth of 
centuries, induces a hatred to English rule, and especially 
to that of the family at present on the throne. ‘The land- 
lord is regarded as a natural enemy, holding title to the 
land by force, and not by right. Under the influence of 
such prejudice and feelings, a certain unwritten code of 
laws, or ‘‘tenant rights,’’ came into being, by which the 
tenant claimed to possess his leasehold estate without, under 
any circumstances, the right of dispossession existing in the 
landlord. ‘The landlord might be desirous of improving 
his estate, or rent be largely in arrears; nevertheless, any 
action on his part in maintenance of his right of property, 
under the Ribbon code, was to be resisted to the death. - 
But not only upon the landlord did the Ribbonmen ex- 
ercise their deadly vengeance; other tenants entering upon 
the possession of the disputed property were equally with 
the landlords and land-agents the victims of murderous, 
and generally fatal, attacks. This society sprang into ex- 
istence in the early part of the present century, maintained 
its unhallowed existence for many years, and only received 
permanent check upon the execution of Hodgens and Breen, 
convicted of conspiracy to murder Patrick McArdle, at 
Carrickmacross, in 1852. 

The principal points of operation of this society were in 
Tipperary, Kings, Queens, Meath, Westmeath, Louth, and 
Monaghan Counties. The numerous murders and other 
outrages which they have committed have done much to 

4* 


42 SOCIETIES IN IRELAND 


retard the improvement and prosperity of Ireland, to in- 
crease the evils arising from ‘‘ absentee’ ownership, and to 
prevent the growth of those kindly relations and mutual 
interests which should exist between the owner of the soil 
and his less fortunate tenant. In a number of instances 
-the land-owners for years virtually yielded their estates to 
the control of a discontented tenantry. Strange to say, 
all ordinary rules in the management of property which 
have proven successful in other countries, in Ireland seemed 
to excite the most bitter opposition. The landlord anxious 
to improve his estate and looking to the advancement in 
prosperity of his tenantry, the philanthropist filled with 
kindly intentions and anxious to render full justice tem- 
pered with charity, were in constant danger and frequently 
the victims of the assassin ; whilst the good-natured, fox- 
hunting, drunken squire, having no end in view but his 
own ease and the gratification of his own selfish impulses, 
yielding to prejudices because too careless and too indo- 
lent to run counter to them, was enabled to be guilty of 
real acts of oppression, and at the same time to live in per- 
fect safety, enjoying a high degree of personal prosperity. 
A condition of affairs so paradoxical could exist only among 
a people where the heart rather than the head is the con- 
trolling power, whose habits are eminently social, whose 
prejudices are intense, and with whom good-natured, open- 
hearted manners are of more avail than lasting benefits 
conferred with a repellent hand. 

That the Irish peasant was himself the victim of many 
a high-handed act of oppression well-authenticated tales 
place beyond the possibility of a doubt. It is hard to im- 
agine two classes of men more dissimilar and less likely to 
coalesce than the English and the Irish. The English, 
cold; staid, unyielding, and methodical, prejudiced beyond 
any other people, with analytical power to understand such 
prejudices and discuss them, with candor and honesty to 


AND AMERICA. 43 


acknowledge them, and witha magnificent self-sufficiency to 
glory in them, regard with sovereign scorn, of which there 
is no attempt at concealment, the open manner, the in- 
formality, the impulsive and careless extravagance of their 
Irish neighbors. In every prominent characteristic the two 
nations are at variance, and in their intercourse, political 
and social, generally meet with the jagged side of each 
presented. ‘The Englishman in his own way, and in his 
own fashion, possesses far more real philanthropic feeling 
than the Irishman; he has an earnest desire to act not only 
justly, but even kindly, if he only knew how; but the Irish 
question, an unsolved problem centuries ago, still remains 
as complex as ever. 

That the Ribbonmen as against the English government, 
and in defiance of Saxon landlords, should not meet de- 
termined resistance was not in the nature of things. On 
some estates landlords endeavored to maintain their legal 
rights with all the machinery of the law, and ‘‘ process- 
servers, | “‘ grippers,’’ **keepers,’’ and ‘‘drivers’’’ were 
employed to serve the tenants with legal processes for the 
collection of rent. The ‘‘grippers’’ had in charge the 
arresting of all tenants against whom decrees for non- 
payment of rent had been obtained ; the ‘‘ keepers’’ were 
employed to watch the crops, lest they should be carried 
off in the night; whilst the ‘‘drivers’’ were engaged to 
drive all the live-stock found upon the premises of the de- 
faulting tenant and lodge them in the pound, from which 
they were not to be released until the rent was paid. These 
severe measures, sometimes arbitrary, on the part of the 
landlord, were met by the most determined resistance on 
the part of the tenants; and on the barony of Farney, 
County Monaghan, in the year 1843, the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires’’ were organized to act as auxiliary to, or in con- 
nection with, the Ribbonmen. 

There are a number of traditions as to the origin of the 


44 SOCIETIES IN IRELAND AND AMERICA. 


name of ‘‘ Molly Maguire.’’ One is that the society was 
formed under the auspices of an old woman of that name, 
and the first meetings were held at her house. Another 
account tells of a sort of Amazon of that name who not 
only planned deviltry, but also was foremost in assisting to 
execute it. Her followers received the nickname of ‘‘ Molly 
Maguires.’’ The best-authenticated explanation of the 
name, however, is that the members were generally stout, 
active young men, dressed up in women’s clothes, with 
their faces blackened, or otherwise disguised, with crape or 
fantastic masks, or with burnt cork about their eyes, mouths, 
and cheeks.* In this condition they would pounce down 
upon process-servers, grippers, keepers, and drivers, duck 
them in bog-holes, beat, and otherwise maltreat them. 
Under such circumstances the very name of Molly Magaire 
inspired terror, and to employ officers of the law was not 
only difficult, but in some instances impossible. It does 
not appear that the custom of wearing female dresses was 
observed in all localities in Ireland, nor can any instance 
now be recalled where the Molly Maguires have ever done 
so in this country. 

As has been before remarked, no connection is known: 
to exist between the ‘‘Ribbonmen’’ and ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires’’ of Ireland and the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’”’ of the coal 
region, without—and of that there is no present proof— 
such connection should be through the Ancient Order of 
Hibernians. The ‘‘ Mollies’’ have often committed out- 
rages here that resemble in the minutest details the crimes 
of their prototypes across the ocean, and this, too, with- 
out one single mitigating circumstance to relieve their 
horrid enormity. ‘The ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ of the coal re- 
gion comes into existence without cause, or pretense of 
a cause, in the past or present. history of this country. 





* Trench’'s “ Realities of Irish Life.” 


CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES. 45 


Standing the equal before the law of any man or set of 
men in the land, his rights guarded, and even his prejudices 
respected, he becomes with fiendish malice and in cold 
blood an incendiary and assassin, a curse to the land that 
has welcomed him with open arms, and a blot, a stain, 
and a disgrace upon the character of his countrymen and 
the name of the land of his nativity. 


CH AP EER AV, 


CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES, 1861 TO 186s. 


IMMEDIATELY prior to, and during the first years of, the 
war, the development of what is known as the middle an- 
thracite coal-field was in its infancy. The construction of 
the Philadelphia and Sunbury Railroad from Sunbury to 
Mount Carmel, and the extension of the Mine Hill and 
Schuylkill Haven Railroad over the Broad Mountain to 
Ashland, it is true, had opened the western portion of that 
basin, in the vicinity of Shamokin and Ashland, to enter- 
prise and capital. But in the centre of the basin, where 
are located the magnificent Girard estate and other valu-— 
able mineral lands, and to the eastward, settlements were 
sparse, with but little improvement. The stimulus to the 
anthracite coal trade by reason of the demand created by 
the war, and the consequent building of new railroad out- 
lets to market, have caused this region to spring, as if by 
-magic, into full development, with an immense popula- 
tion; and this fact is necessary to be borne in mind in 
order that the shifting of the field of operations of the 
‘Molly Maguire,’’ hereafter narrated, may be understood. 

At the period to which we refer, however, the great coal 


46 CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES, 


operations were being worked to the west of Pottsville, in 
Schuylkill County, in the neighborhood of Summit Hill, 
in Carbon County, and in the great upper coal-field in | 
Luzerne County. 

At an early day ill-defined rumors that an order called 
the ‘‘ Black Spots’’ was in existence in the vicinity of 
Pottsville had been afloat, and several outrages then per- 
petrated seem to bear the marks of criminal organization. 
That the order, however, if even in existence, had any- 
thing more than a mere local being and short life there is 
no reason to suppose. But from the beginning of the year 
1862, that a powerful society was exercising an unwhole- 
some influence in Cass and adjoining townships in Schuyl- 
kill County, was generally believed, and in Carbon and 
parts of Luzerne County the name of ‘‘ Buckshot’’ was be- 
coming a familiar term as applied to the lawless element in 
the mining population. Demand for labor had suddenly 
increased at a time when many of the best citizens were 
absent in the army. Not only were their places to be 
filled, but a large excess was required. Good and valuable 
miners and laborers answered the demand, but with them 
also great numbers of the worst class of a floating popula- 
tion. It is not surprising that to this latter element the 
notice of an enrollment upon which to form a draft for 
soldiers. would afford an opportunity to strengthen and 
increase an unlawful combination already existing. 

Even to the best-regulated community there is nothing 
popular or inspiriting in a contemplated draft for soldiers. 
It is a notice that the answer of the volunteer is not suffi- 
cient, and that every man, whatever may be his private 
-obligations, must be prepared to answer to the call of his 
country. From patriotic motive or necessity a draft will 
be advocated, approved, and submitted to, on the same 
principle that a nauseous dose of physic is taken,—present 
discomfort for future health. es 


1861 ZO 1865. 47 


But there are certain persons who, either from thought- 
lessness or a natural disposition, regard only the present ; 
and to this class the large lawless element appealed. Asa 
consequence, in Cass and other townships in Schuylkill 
County, and in parts of Carbon County, active measures 
to prevent enrollment were adopted. In Schuylkill County 
careful and judicious treatment prevented an outbreak, and 
the enrollment was made. In Carbon County, where the 
‘* Buckshots’’ were fully organized, enrollment was also 
effected, but amid a bitter and violent state of feeling.* 
The spirit of lawlessness was aroused. It manifested itself 
not only against the United States government, but against 
all law, human and divine. ‘The enrollment offered the 
occasion for an appeal to the passions of men, by which 
criminal organization was strengthened and increased. 

In Carbon County at this time, and during several years, 
the ‘‘ Buckshot’’ was bold, arrogant, and defiant in a career 
of crime. Fearful assaults, arson, and murder were per- 
petrated, and remained to a very great degree unpunished. 
Not only did the civil authorities seem powerless, but the 
strong arm of the United States government, invoked 
when possible, seemed to stay only for the moment the 
spirit of lawlessness. ‘To such an extent did an open riot- 
ous feeling manifest itself, that a number of leading coal 
operators were warned to suspend operations until the un- 
lawful demands of those opposed to the draft were acceded 
to, and miners and laborers were notified that if they con- 
tinued at work it would be at the peril of their lives. A 
large body of rioters armed came to Mauch Chunk, over- 
awed the citizens, forced their way into the jail, and released 





* It is but simple justice to these sections of the coal regions to state 
that at the breaking out of the war there was an instant response to the call 
for volunteers, and that during the war the volunteers from these parts 
were equal to those from any other portion of the community. 


48 CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES, 


a number of the prisoners. This riot occurred in the 
summer of 1863.* 

On the 14th of June, 1862, at a meeting held at Auden- 
ried, Carbon County, to make arrangements for a meeting 
to be held the following Fourth of July, a party of men 
became infuriated at a man named F. W. S. Langdon, 
the breaker-boss at one of the neighboring coal-breakers. 
It appears that one of the party present, whether purposely 
or by accident is uncertain, spit upon the American flag. 
In any event, in the then excited condition of the public 
mind such an act would be an opportunity for angry dis- 
cussion. Langdon, who was standing on the hotel porch 
where the meeting was held, denounced in strong terms 
the person offending. This was the occasion of angry 
retort and threats. It is supposed that, independent of 
the offense given by Langdon that day, he had rendered 
himself obnoxious to some of the workmen in his capacity 
as boss. The threats used against him, in connection with 
the angry looks with which he was regarded, caused some 
of his friends to urge him to remain on the porch and not 
to mingle with the crowd. Langdon did not himself be- 
lieve that he was in any danger. He left the meeting, 
and, the occasion presenting itself, walked some little dis- 
tance away from the hotel. He was found alone, severely 
beaten with stones, insensible, and in a dying condition. 
One mortal blow received seemed to have been given with 
a hammer. He died in a short time. A mob had evi- 
dently followed him. Some persons were suspected of 


* Through the kindness of General Charles Albright, a number of papers 
relating to this period have been placed at the disposal of the writer, among 
them a list of names of a portion of those connected with this riot. The 
character of the individuals named is noted in brief. To publish this list 
can answer no good purpose at this time, but the fact is noted that sixty 
of the persons named were connected with other outrages,—riots, brutal 
assaults, fiendish threats, or murder. 


1861 70-1865. 49 


having committed the murder, but the requisite evidence 
to justify their arrest and hold them for trial was not ob- 
tained. 

The full details of the murder are probably known to 
many persons; but it is only after the lapse of more than 
fourteen years, when the terrorism inspired by the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’ is passing away and the organization has re- 
ceived repeated and heavy blows, that there is a prospect 
of bringing the murderers to justice. 

John Kehoe, the County Delegate of Schuylkill County, 
is charged with the offense ; so is Yellow Jack Donahue, 
so is John Campbell, and so are others. ‘The blow sup- 
posed to have been struck with a hammer is said to have 
been inflicted by Yellow Jack Donahue, with a swingle-tree 
which he had picked up. It is probable that before many 
months have passed a number of persons will be tried for 
the murder. : 

On the 5th of November, 1863, George. K. Smith was 
murdered in his own house at Audenried, in the presence 
of his family. Mr. Smith had been a surveyor and mining . 
engineer, and at the time of his death was a coal operator. 
He was suspected of having given the information by 
which the United States government officials had been en- 
abled to make the enrollment in his district. 

During the afternoon of the 5th of November he had 
been absent from home, and on his return in the evening 
complained of not feeling well. He in consequence retired 
to his room. During the evening a man called at the 
house, saying that he had a message for Mr. Smith. Mrs. 
Smith told him her husband was not well, but that she 
would carry him any message. The man replied, ‘No; 
the matter is important, and I must see Mr. Smith him- 
self.’” In consequence of this urgency Mr. Smith was 
called, and came partly down-stairs. Whilst he was yet 
on the stairs, a crowd of about twenty-five men, disguised 

Cc 5 


50° CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES, 


with blackened faces, rushed into the house. They com- 
menced shooting at him at once, inflicting wounds which 
caused almost immediate death. 

But the assassins did not themselves escape uninjured. 
Great confusion prevailed, but determined resistance was 
offered. George W. Ulrich, then in the employ of Mr. 
Smith, was present at the time, armed with a revolver, 
which he shot into the crowd. He wounded one man, 
named John Donahue,—afterwards killed at Tuscarora, and 
whose body he there identified,—and, it is supposed, killed 
another. The marks of blood were found, and a ‘‘ Molly”’ 
funeral followed shortly, but whose it was has not yet been 
discovered. | 

No evidence to convict any one of this crime was then 
to be obtained. As in the case of Langdon, the proba- 
bilities are that the offenders, or some of them, will shortly 
be called upon to answer. 

That the lawlessness existing in a portion of Carbon 
County in the years 1862, 1863, and 1864 was greater than 
in any portion of Schuylkill or Luzerne County at that 
period, is possible. The existence of organized crime was 
more fully recognized. But if in Schuylkill County no 
such spirit of bold defiance to law was manifested as in 
the attack upon the Mauch Chunk jail, the frequency of 
crime, and the spirit of lawlessness prevailing there, were 
exciting general alarm.* 

« On the 3d of July, 1862, a man named Thomas Hogan 


* The writer has not given in detail the outrages committed in Luzerne 
County. The character of the ‘‘ Molly” outrages was the same in all parts 
of the anthracite coal yegion. Whilst throughout the whole region the 
testimony is that the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ organization is criminal, during 
the last few years better influences have been at work in Luzerne than in 
other counties. As in Carbon and Schuylkill Counties the organization 
has been detected and exposed, the details of crime in those counties have 
received more special attention. Luzerne County during the past year 
has afforded hiding-places for Schuylkill and Carbon County criminals. 


1861 7O 1865. 51 


was killed at the Otto colliery. He was stabbed with a 
knife by a Daniel Kelly. David Kelly, William Kelly, 
and Lawrence Flynn are said to have been accessories. 
That this was a ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ murder is doubtful. It 
was the first of a long series of murders in Schuylkill 
County.* 

On the 18th of December, 1862, there was an avowed 
‘Molly Maguire’’ outrage. On that day about two hun- 
dred men, armed with guns, pistols, and other weapons, 
made an attack upon the collieries of William Goyne, near 
Forestville, Cass Township. They dragged the fire from 
beneath the boilers, and stopped the engine and pumps.f 
They beat seriously about fifteen men employed at the 
mines. A Mr. Hopkins, in the employ of the Mine Hill 
Railroad Company, was severely injured. They made an 
attack upon and closed the colliery store. Three shots 
were fired at the store-keeper, fortunately without hitting 
him. Two young men, named Edward Harris and Edward 
Great, were beaten badly. The ruffians remained at the 
scene of outrage for over two hours. ‘There was no rob- 
bery committed. They then left, uttering threats of ven- 
geance against the men should the collieries be started 
or the stores opened without their permission. It is not 
known that any of the employees of Mr. Goyne were con- 
cerned in the matter, nor does any cause of complaint on 
their part appear. The rioters during the scene boasted 
largely of an organization called the ‘‘ Molly Maguires,’’ 


* See Appendix A,—a list of fifty-five murders in Schuylkill County in 
a little over three years, beginning in 1863. These were not all ‘‘ Molly” 
murders, nor would a conviction of ‘‘ murder in the first degree’ in all 
cases have been justified. But many of them were brutal, cowardly assas- 
sinations, for which there was neither trial nor conviction. 

t By the stoppage of pumps mines below water-level soon fill with 
water. This is looked upon as’one of the most serious calamities that can 
befall a colliery. It occasions loss of time, great expense, and oftentimes 
irreparable damage. 


UNIVERSITY OF 
HiINODIC tiRpapYy 


52 CARBON AND SCHUYLKEILL COUNTIES, 


to which they belonged, and asserted that it was powerful 
enough to control the whole coal region. 

From this time forward acts of violence increased in 
frequency. It is impossible, nor could it be of interest, 
to describe every outrage committed. Suffice it to state 
that it was a period of lawlessness in certain sections of 
the coal-fields. . 

On the 11th of January, 1863, about forty men attacked 
the house of John McDonald, in Cass Township. ‘They 
broke in the doors and windows of his house, with inten- 
tion to kill him. He escaped. Mrs. McDonald remained; 
they used violent language against her, but spared her life. 

On the 13th of the same month, and in the same town- 
ship, two men, named Conners and Curry, were shot during 
the night on the public road. The whole affair is a 
mystery. 

On the 24th of February, 1863, Mr. Thomas Verner 
was attacked and knocked down by a crowd of men in 
Foster Township. For some time after this attack Mr. 
Verner’s life was in constant danger. His sole offense 
consisted in the purchase of an interest in a colliery from 
Mr. Borda. The purchase did not meet with universal 
approval on the part of the men. 

On the 2d of January, 1864, James Bergen, of Coal 
Castle, was shot at by five strangers. He died within two 
days from the wounds received. The crime was committed 
in the daytime. The reasons, if any, for this murder are 
not known. The criminals escaped; no arrests were made. 

On the 8th of January, 1864, Mr. Thomas Kear and 
Mr. Benseman were attacked at Minersville by a crowd 
armed with billies. There had been no provocation given. 
Mr. Kear had a pistol, and attempted to shoot. The 
pistol, however, missed fire. 

On the 11th of September, 1864, at Lorberry, Robert 
Gardner was killed in his own house by Dennis Aiken, 


1861 ZO 1865. 53 


assisted by two other men. ‘The weapon used was an axe, 
with which the head and body of Gardner were completely 
hacked. Aiken escaped, but was subsequently arrested, 
tried, convicted of murder in the second degree, and sen- 
tenced to twelve years’ imprisonment. This is not gener- 
ally believed to have been a ‘‘ Molly’’ murder. 

On the roth of August, 1865, Mr. William Pollock, the 
then superintendent of the Peach Mountain Coal Com- 
pany, was riding with his son James, a lad about the age 
of fourteen years, from his residence in Pottsville to the 
mines of the company, some miles to the east of that 
place, in the direction of Tuscarora. It was in broad day- 
light, in a thickly-settled country, and no suspicion of 
danger existed. Suddenly the report of a pistol was heard, 
and Mr. Pollock discovered that he was wounded, a pistol- 
ball having passed through the curtains of his carriage and 
lodged in his back. 

In the flurry and excitement the horse was stopped, and 
a man appeared in front of the carriage, with a pistol, 
and told them to deliver. He again fired, but this time 
missed. ‘The pistol contained but two balls, both of which 
had now been fired. Mr. Pollock sprang from the car- 
riage and grappled with the ruffian. Weakened though 
he was with loss of blood and the pain arising from his 
wound, his feelings were so thoroughly aroused that he fully 
occupied the attention of his antagonist, who was a strong, 
powerful man. He would probably, however, have been 
conquered had it not been for the presence of mind and 
bravery displayed by his young son, James compre- 
hended the situation, quickly placed himself in position, 
and inflicted a rapid succession of well-directed blows 
on the head of the robber with the butt end of his 
whip. He doubtless saved his father’s life. The man 
could neither bear nor prevent the punishment the boy was 
inflicting upon him, since Mr. Pollock himself engaged his 

5! 


54 CARBON AND SCHUYLKILL COUNTIES, 


utmost attention ; he tore himself loose, ran for the woods, 
and escaped. 

Had he been successful he ani have gained rich booty. 
Mr. Pollock had on his person over eight thousand dollars, 
which he was taking to the colliery to pay the men. Not- 
withstanding the wound received, the two accomplished 
the purpose with which they had started from home. They 
proceeded to the mines, handed the money over to the 
book-keeper, and then returned to Pottsville, where Mr. 
Pollock had the ball extracted before meeting his family. 
He was confined to the house for more than two weeks, 

The robber had escaped, and has never since been ar- 
rested. This attempted robbery was probably an individual 
enterprise, but there is little doubt that the perpetrator 
was a ‘‘ Molly Maguire,’’ and had he been arrested would 
have been protected by all the power and influence of the. 
order. It is not absolutely certain, but he is supposed to 
have been killed at a tavern in the Mahanoy region called 
‘*The Flour-Barrel.’’ Mr. Pollock is an old resident 
of Pottsville,-a gentleman of social position, and highly 
respected. ‘The matter excited considerable attention at 
the time. 

On the 25th of August, 1865, Mr. David Muir, super- 
intendent of what are known as ‘* New Mines,’’ in Fos- 
‘ter Township, then belonging to the Forest Improvement 
Company, immediately after taking his breakfast walked 
down the road towards his colliery. When about fifty 
yards from his house he was attacked by two or three men. 
It is supposed that the party came up behind him and struck 
him down with a blow on the back of his head. He was 
then shot, the ball passing*through his heart and right lung. 
He received three severe wounds in the body with a dirk. 
His death was almost instantaneous. 

The murderers after committing the crime were seen to 
walk down the railroad-track about one hundred yards. 


1861 7O 1865. 55 


They then passed into the woods and escaped. Signals 
were given them from the neighboring hills immediately 
after the occurrence. This murder was committed in 
broad daylight, on the highway, within a short distance 
of the colliery, where a large number of men were congre- 
gated, all of whom must have heard the report of the fire- 
arms, and some of whom were probably witnesses of the 
act itself. But no testimony has been elicited, up to this 
time, by which the perpetrators of the crime could be 
brought to justice. 

Eleven years have gone since David Muir passed into 
eternity. No one as yet has been called to answer at the 
bar of justice for the fiendish act of that day, but his mur- 
derers, if now on the face of the earth, after long years of 
unbroken security, have uneasy slumbers and live in con- 
tinual fear of the wrath to come. Mr. Muir was a Scotch- 
man by birth, but was for many years a resident of Schuyl- 
kill County and in the employ of the Forest Improvement 
Company. He was strictly honorable in his dealings, of 
high character, widely known throughout the country, gen- 
erally popular, and possessed a large circle of friends.* 


* The persons murdered are generally spoken of in high terms. This is 
not done in the spirit of honoring the dead. They were picked men, many 
of them occupying positions of trust and responsibility. 


56 SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON. 


CH APDTE RAVE 
SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON COUNTIES, 1866 To 1871. 


AxBout seven o’clock in the evening of the roth of 
January, 1866, Henry Hawthorne Dunne was waylaid and 
murdered about two miles outside of Pottsville, on a much- 
traveled road leading to Minersville. 

There were a number of circumstances connected with 
this murder which tended to excite public attention to an 
unusual degree: the character of the man; the position he 
occupied; the locality in which the deed was committed. 

Dunne was an Irish gentleman, a native of Waterford, 
well educated, and possessing rare social, moral, and 
physical gifts. With strong common sense and natural 
ability, he at the same time sparkled with wit and humor; 
earnest and strict in the performance of his duties, which 
were oftentimes unpleasant, he was possessed of a charity 
and warmth of heart which formed a part of his every-day 
life, unobtrusive, yet pervading his whole being ;* magnifi- 
cently developed physically, of great strength and un- 
daunted courage, the despotic or tyrannical element formed 
no part of his character. He had been for a number of 
years in the business of mining coal on his own account, 
but at the time of his death he held the position of super- 
intendent of the New York and Schuylkill Coal Com- 
pany, at that time the largest coal-mining company in the 
county. Both by reason of his social gifts and his business 
connections he was widely known and had great influence. 


* The writer can bear personal testimony to many an act of unsuspected 
charity on the part of Mr. Dunne, of which he in his professional capacity. 
became cognizant. , 


1866 70 1871. 57 


But beyond all these considerations, there existed the fact 
that the murder, bold and defiant as it was, had been per- 
petrated but a short distance outside of the borough limits 
of Pottsville, where, notwithstanding the continued and 
numberless outrages committed in other places, it had not 
been supposed that the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ dared venture. 

The collieries of the company of which Mr. Dunne 
was the superintendent were located about ten miles west 
of Pottsville. He had that day been detained a little later 
than usual, and as a consequence had driven fast in order 
to get home as soon as possible. Upon the rise of a hill 
near what is known as the York farm he somewhat slackened 
the pace at which he had been driving. At this moment 
the attacking party, numbering, it is supposed, five men, 
stopped the horse and fired at their victim, who, being 
encumbered by large gloves and carriage-robes, was pre- 
vented from drawing his pistol. 

At this time a Mr. Jones, of Minersville, accompanied 
by a lady, on their.way to the skating-park at Pottsville, 
came driving by. ‘They heard shots, and also heard Mr. 
Dunne exclaim, ‘‘I am murdered!’’ One of the assassins 
stepped up to Jones’s carriage and threatened to blow his 
brains out if he did not proceed on his way, and he, being 
unarmed, could do nothing but comply. Being unable to 
rescue Mr. Dunne or arrest the, murderers, he did the 
next best thing, which was to drive into Pottsville as fast 
as possible and give notice of the murder. 

When Dunne had been shot four times, twice in his 
right arm and twice in his neck, he was dragged from his 
carriage and again shot through the cheek, the ball coming 
out through his neck. He was then left lying in his blood 
on the public highway. The party, with a shout of ex- 
ultant laughter, which was heard some distance off, walked 
towards Minersville, keeping on the main road. 


_J. Claude White, also a colliery superintendent, on his 
c* ‘ 


538 SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON, 


way to Pottsville, met the men a quarter of a mile from 
the scene of the murder. He was driving fast, and paid no 
special attention to them. As he approached the body of 
the murdered man, his horse became frightened. He made 
every effort to get close to it, but, finding that impossible, 
hurried on to give notice of the body lying out in the cold 
winter night, little thinking that he was leaving behind 
him the ghastly and bloody corpse of one of his warmest 
and most intimate friends, who he supposed was living and 
in the possession of superabundant strength.* 

The murder was not committed for any purpose of rob- 
bery. Neither watch, pocket-book, nor other valuable was 
touched. It is supposed that the motive for the deed was 
revenge for some acts done in the line of his duty as 
superintendent. 

Large rewards for the detection and conviction of the 
murderers were offered by the county and the company 
by which he was employed. An intense feeling of indig- 
nation- prevailed throughout the community. Public meet- 
ings assembled to consider the situation of affairs, and, 
if possible, devise means of safety. The New York and 
Schuylkill Coal Company set detectives at work, but evi- 


* The night before Mr. Dunne was murdered I passed an hour or two 
with him in the drug-store of Mr. J. C. Hughes, in Pottsville. During 
the course of conversation, as he was relating some matter which inter- 
ested me very much, in an animated way he drew himself up to his full 
height and threw back his shoulders. I was so struck by his magnificent 
physique that I remarked, ‘‘ Harry, you look as if you might live to bea 
hundred.” 

‘‘Upon my soul, I have no idea of dying at present,’’ he replied, with a 
laugh. 

“ Well, then,’”’ said Mr. Hughes, ‘‘ you should be more careful about 
_ driving out at night.” 

_ “Why, no one would hurt me,"’ was the reply. 

We felt the justice of the remark, and thought that if the social 
attributes of any man would render him safe, that man was Harry Dunne; 
and yet within twenty-four hours he was a ‘“‘ Molly” victim.—F. P. D. 


1866 7O 1871. 59 


dence to convict the murderers could not be obtained. 
The magnitude of the evil was, however, more fully appre- 
ciated, and some idea of the extent of the organization, and 
the names of many of the members, who supposed their 
crimes hidden, were obtained. 

The names of the murderers of Henry H. Dunne are 
known to some few persons outside of the ‘‘ Molly’’ organ- 
ization. One by one they have gone to their last account, 
except two wretches, who may yet be called upon to answer 
for some of their many crimes. Of those dead, not one 
has died a natural death: in fierce brawl or by accidents in 
the mines they have closed their earthly careers. 

On the 4th of July, 1866, a dispute arose between an 
Irishman and a Welshman, an old man, in Bettinger’s 
tavern, in Newtown, Reilly Township, Schuylkill County. 
The Irishman, becoming very angry, threatened to beat the 
old man, and was only prevented from doing so by the 
landlord and two young men, named Joseph Berry and 
George A. Fisher, who had just stopped there for the 
purpose of hiring a horse to take them to Llewellyn. The 
Irishman, enraged at the interference, went out of the house, 
and soon returned with about twenty-five men, who sur- 
rounded the house, the doors of which in the mean time 
had been locked. ‘The crowd commenced stoning the 
house. They soon broke in the doors and windows. 
Berry and Fisher were both armed, but retreated to the 
second story, where they were followed. They fired upon 
their pursuers, who fled. Of the attacking party, a man 
named Patrick Meehan was killed and James Welsh 
wounded. As to who killed Meehan and wounded Welsh 
is a subject of dispute. It is asserted that they were shot 
accidentally by their own friends. Berry and Fisher then 
came down-stairs, and attempted to rush through the 
crowd and thus escape from the house, but they were again 
driven back to the second story. Their situation was now 


60 SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON, 


becoming desperate. ‘The crowd below was every minute 
growing more excited. The only chance of escape seemed 
to be in leaping from the second-story window, which they, 
fortunately, were enabled to do without injury and without 
being seen. They managed to get into the woods, and 
made their way over rocks and through bushes to Llewellyn, 
where, in a state of almost utter exhaustion, they went to 
Coleman’s tavern. | 

In the mean time their escape had been discovered. It 
was supposed that they had gone to Llewellyn, and about 
ten of the party followed them up, and, going directly to 
Coleman’s tavern, found them. One of the party, named 
Patrick Conners, had a revolver in his hand, which he 
leveled at Berry, when a man named Lewis Williams, a 
member of a well-known family long resident in the coal 
regions, interfered. Conners, enraged, immediately turned 
upon Williams, and shot at him; the ball entered the right 
nostril and lodged in the head, inflicting a wound from 
which he shortly afterwards died. Conners was arrested, 
but committed suicide in jail before trial. 

About midnight of the 11th of February, 1867, the 
house of Mr. John C. Northall, a coal operator residing 
at Tuscarora, Schuylkill County, was attacked by a body 
of about twenty-five men. ‘The assailants mostly carried 
fire-arms: one of them had a sword. They commenced 
firing into the window of the bedroom where they sup- 
posed him to be; but Mr. Northall was away from home. 
The family were much alarmed. A Mr. Cole, who lived 
with Mr. Northall, managed to arouse the neighbors. A 
servant-girl on attempting to hoist one of the windows 
was fired at, the ball passing through her clothing. The 
neighbors quickly assembled in force, when all of the 
rufhans left except one, named John Donahue, who was 
armed with a sword, and still persisted in the attack. In 
the mélée he was shot and killed. 


1866 7O 1871. 61 


George W. Ulrich, who had been present at the time 
George K. Smith was murdered, and had himself shot two 
of the assailants upon that occasion, recognized in the 
dead man one of the persons he had then shot. Upon ex- 
amining the body the mark of the wound inflicted by 
him was found. Another of the murderers of George K. 
Smith had meta violent death. For the killing of John 
Donahue a man named Thomas Border was tried, but under 
the testimony produced was acquitted. 

About three o’clock in the afternoon of the 15th of 
March, 1867, William H. Littlehales was murdered on the 
public road near Glen Carbon, Foster Township, Schuyl- 
kill County. He was shot through the body with a rifle- or 
large pistol-ball. His death must have been almost instanta- 
neous. He was found by Dr. McWilliams, who had been 
just paying a professional visit at his house, lying entirely 
lifeless on the side of the road. The object of the murder 
was robbery. Mr. Littlehales was superintendent of the. 
Glen Carbon colliery, owned by Patterson & Co., and 
was also interested in the colliery store, run in connection 
with the mines. It was supposed that he had with him the 
money to pay off the workmen at the mines. The robbers 
were, however, mistaken ; all that they gained by the mur- 
der was the little pocket-money he had about him, a silver 
watch, and his revolver, which he had had no opportunity 
of using. 

Mr. Littlehales was, at the time of his death, in the 
thirty-second year of his age. He left a widow and three 
children, one of whom, a bright boy, had just had his leg 
amputated by reason of an injury received on the railroad. 
He was born in Schuylkill County, and was familiar with 
coal-mining operations. His father, an Englishman, came 
to the coal regions at an early day, and had been, prior to 
that time, a coal operator for many years. 


Mr. Littlehales was of unexceptionable character, and 
6 | 


62 SCHUYVLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON, 


regarded in the community as a rising man. ‘The story 
of the dead father lying on one bed, the maimed boy on 
another, and the almost distracted wife and mother between 
them, excited universal sympathy. ‘The surroundings of 
the case were sad. But a little time before, this wife had 
lived in the happy present with bright and well-founded 
hopes for the future, and now, without warning, the 
‘¢Molly’’ bullet had stricken down the lover of her youth, 
her husband, her companion, the father of her children, 
and had left her almost alone to struggle with the world. 
She had been stricken, and was without any redress what- 
ever. The murderers were at large, safe, exultant, un- 
known. 

But the fact that aroused the public generally, inde- 
pendent of the sympathy excited, was that this was an- 
other murder committed in the broad light of day, on a 
public road in a populous neighborhood, within but two 
hundred yards of a large number of people who must have 
had some knowledge of the transaction, and yet no one 
seemed to know anything about it. It appeared as if the 
murderers were as safe as if the foul deed had been done 
at midnight and far from the habitations of man. 

Public meetings were held, large rewards were offered, 
various schemes were proposed and discussed, but the 
‘¢Molly’’ was triumphant: the murderers were at large. 
No arrests were made. It is only now that the hope is 
beginning to be felt that, as the secrets of the past are 
coming to the light of day, the murderers of William H. 
Littlehales will have to answer for their crime. And there 
is some foundation for this hope. Although the ‘* Molly 
Maguire’’ will indorse any crime, murder for the purpose 
of robbery was unusual. But a series of murders for the 
purpose of robbery were being committed by ‘‘ Mollies”’ 
at this time. It is believed that they were all perpetrated 
by the same party. Men are now arrested for robbery and 


1866 7O 1871.. 63 


murder, against whom the proof is overwhelming; and the 
whole story will probably come to light. 

On the night of Friday, the 22d of March, 1867, a 
party of five men made an attack upon a tavern kept 
by James Gailagher, in Mahanoy Township, Schuylkill 
County, known as ‘‘ The Flour-Barrel.’’ The purpose 
was robbery. Gallagher had in his possession several thou- 
sand dollars, and the fact was suspected. ‘The robbers de- 
manded admission, but were refused. They then took a 
large stone and broke in the front door, and immediately 
commenced shooting into the house. Gallagher seized a 
gun, which was loaded with No. 5 shot, and fired at his 
assailants. The entire load entered the abdomen of one 
of the men, killing him instantly. This had the effect of 
scattering the assailants, but they continued firing from 
different points. Gallagher seized a pistol, with which he 
continued to defend himself. Another of the attacking 
party was wounded, two balls hitting him, one in the 
shoulder and one in the leg. Whether he was hit by Gal- 
lagher or accidentally by one of his friends is not known. 
The party then retreated. The dead man was carried 
away, but the wounded man was captured and committed 
to prison. He gave the name of Owen McClosky. The 
party was traced the next morning by the blood on the 
snow. The dead body had been left about half a mile 
from Gilberton. It was brought to Pottsville, and identi- 
fied as that of Patrick Stinson, of Glen Carbon, a young 
man about twenty years of age. 

The evening following the attack on ‘‘ The Flour-Barrel,”’ 
the house of Mr. Henry Repp, a farmer of Union Town- 
ship, Schuylkill County, was broken into by four Irishmen, 
one other being left outside to stand guard. They asserted 
that they were in search of two men who had committed a 
murder in Danville. Mr. Repp took a candle and went 
with one of them through the house. Mrs. Repp, becom- 


64 SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON, 


ing alarmed, ran over to a tenement-house occupied by 
Jacob Johnson, and asked him to come to their assistance. 
Johnson came back with her, bringing twu revolvers with 
him. At the moment Johnson came in, Mr. Repp had re- 
turned to the room. One of the party then exclaimed, 
‘¢ It is not murderers we are after: we want your money.’’ 
A struggle at once began, the gang firing at the family. 
Mr. Johnson fired three shots, none of which took effect. 
He was then struck by a shot, fired at him by one of the 
robbers, causing his instant death. 

When Mr. Johnson fell, Mr. Repp sprang at one of the 
assailants and stabbed him with a knife, how severely is not 
known, as he was carried away by his comrades. The 
party went off without effecting their object, but while re- 
treating continued to fire. A shot struck Mr. Repp on the 
forehead, but, glancing off, fortunately inflicted nothing 
more than a flesh-wound. He was knocked senseless, but 
did not receive permanent injury. 

Within a period of eight days there had been three at- 
tempts at robbery, probably by the same party, and in no 
instance had they met with success. Two men had been 
murdered and one wounded by them. On their part, one 
man had been killed, at least two severely wounded, and one 
was imprisoned. ‘Their efforts at robbery were evidently 
unsatisfactory, for no further attempts in that direction 
were made for several months. Lawlessness prevailed in 
certain parts of the coal region, but open robbery was for 
the time abandoned. 

During the year 1868 the idea of robbery was again 
started among the ‘‘ Molly. Maguires.’’ It is supposed that 
in this matter Patrick Hester, a body-master in Northum- - 
berland County, and a notorious ‘‘ Molly,’’ was the lead- 
ing spirit. 

Major J. Claude White, superintendent of the Swatara 
Mines in Schuylkill County, and Alexander Rae, superin- 


% 


1866 7O 1871. ’ 65 


tendent of the Locust Mountain Coal and Iron Company, 
whose mines and property were situated in Northumberland, 
Schuylkill, and Columbia Counties, at the point where 
they all join, were selected as desirable parties upon whom 
to operate. The execution of these two robberies was fixed 
at about the same time. This was in the month of Octo- 
ber, 1868. Major White, by reason of some circumstances 
which came to his knowledge, had his suspicions aroused. 
He knew the character of the lawless element, and a long 
residence among them had caused him to be ever watchful 
and on his guard. The ‘‘pay,’’ as it is usually called,— 
that is, the money to be used in paying the wages of the 
employees at the mines,—was to be taken to the colliery 
on the 17th of October. When he went to Pottsville that 
day, the object of his trip was understood. On his return, 
James Shoemaker, Esq., also connected with the mines 
of which*Major White was superintendent, was in the car- 
riage with him. On the road between Llewellyn and Swa- 
tara, on the top of a hill, is situated a church, which, like 
many country churches on the roadside, has a large yard 
between it and the road. When White and Shoemaker 
arrived at the foot of the hill upon which the church is 
located, they observed a crowd of men standing at the 
church-door, but this at the time did not attract their 
special attention. Happening, however,.to look through 
the glass in the back curtain of the carriage, they observed 
a man making signals to the crowd at the church. In an 
instant they both saw the plan,—they were to be inter- 
cepted and robbed on the top of the hill. Quickly ar- 
ranging their fire-arms, the horse, a free-goer, was started 
up the hill at full speed, and the dangerous point was 
passed before the party on the hill could reach the road. 
The major recognized several of the party, and afterwards 
learned the details of the plot. 


On the same day an attempt was made to rob Alexander 
6* 


A 


y 


66 SCHUYVLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON, 


Rae, Esq. In this there was only partial success. Mr. 
Rae had about sixty dollars in his pocket, as well as a 
~ valuable watch, but the large amount of money intended 
for paying the wages of the men at the mines had been car- 
ried forward the preceding day. He was waylaid between 
Ashland and Centralia, within the boundaries of Columbia 
County. He delivered his money- and his watch to the 
robbers, but they determined upon his death. He fled to 
the woods, and the party followed him. He was caught, 
and a pistol was placed to his head and fired, killing him 
instantly. His body was not discovered until the next 
morning. 

This murder occasioned excitement among all classes of 
the community, and wide-spread and heartfelt mourning 
among the miners and laborers. Mr. Rae was universally 
beloved. He filled a position which enabled him to do 
many kind and charitable acts, and he availed himself of 
his opportunities. Hewas a resident of Mount Carmel,— 
a small town near the mines which were under his control. 
He lived near his workmen, took an active interest in their 
well-being, was sought for as a counselor, and regarded as 
a friend. The ‘‘Molly’’ bullet has hurried into eternity 
many good men, but no shot was more cruel than that 
which struck down Alexander Rae in the hour of his use- 
fulness and the prime of his manhood. 

Patrick Hester, Thomas Donahue, and Patrick Duffy 
were arrested. Donahue and Duffy were tried for the 
murder in Columbia County, and acquitted. The ‘alibi’ 
had been gotten up with great skill. It seemed to exon- 
erate Pat Hester completely. Upon the acquittal of Don- 
ahue and Duffy, a zo/. pros. was entered by the court as to 
Heéster.* 


* On the 8th of November, 1876, Pat Hester, Alexander Graham, and 
Patrick McHugh were arrested for having been engaged in this murder. 


1866 7O 1871. 67 


It is said that Samuel Johns, Esq., a coal operator in the 
Shamokin region, made a narrow escape. He was ex- 
pected at his mines with the pay, and the robbers were 
in waiting. Fortunately for Mr. Johns, the engine upon 
which he had come to the colliery did not stop at the usual 
place. To that accident he owed his safety. 

The robbery of Major White was delayed, not aban- 
doned. At the time of the pay on the following month, 
on their way from Pottsville, Messrs. White and Shoemaker 
were accompanied by a Mr. Smith and a policeman by the 
name of Clauser. The robbers were in waiting, not at the 
church, but some distance beyond. They were dressed as 
_greenhorns.* Both parties were well armed. In the wagon 
occupied by Major White the pistols were lying upon one 
of the seats.. As soon as the parties came in sight the 
firing commenced, and the affair was over in a few seconds. 
None of the parties attacked were injured. Of the assail- 
ants, a man named Finney was captured, having been 
wounded in the shoulder by a shot from Clauser. The 
robbers ran away. According to the statement of the 
major, Pat Hester was among them and received a flesh 
wound. A number of the party were recognized at the 
time. 

The parties tried in Columbia County for the murder of 
Rae had been acquitted, but their escape had been a nar- 
row one. It was felt that there might be a possibility of 
danger. High crime was for a short time checked. 

Three years elapsed, during which time no murder oc- 
curred which excited public attention as distinctively a 
** Molly Maguire’ murder. But the memory of past dan- 
ger grew dim, and a new era of crime, with the organiza- 


Since then a man named Tully, or Tully Brown, an accomplice, has also 
been arrested. Tully is supposed to have been the man who fired the 
fatal shot. : 

* Newly-arrived emigrants, 


68 SCHUYLKILL, COLUMBIA, AND CARBON. 


tion more extended and more powerful, was to be entered 
upon. | 

During the evening of the 2d of December, 1871, Mor- 
ran Powell, a boss of the Lehigh Coal and Navigation 
Company, was murdered at Summit Hill, Carbon County. 
He had just come out of a store, and was on the way to 
the office of the company. He passed a crowd of men, 
one of whom stepped forward and shot him, inflicting a 
wound from which he died. The murderer and his con- 
federates ran to the woods. ‘The perpetrators of this 
murder were known to a large number of persons. It oc- 
curred early in the evening, on the main street of the town. 
The murderers escaped.* 

Notwithstanding the numerous murders committed prior 
to the time of the assassination of Morgan Powell, up to 
that time there had never been a conviction of @ ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’’ for murder in the first degree. Large rewards 
had been offered and a large amount of money had been 
expended, but the efforts made were spasmodic; crime 
was on the increase, and the ‘‘ Molly’’ apparently secure. 
Nevertheless a power was developing whose influence was 
felt and feared, but whose policy relative to the ‘* Molly’’ 
organization was not suspected. 


* “Yellow Jack’’ Donahue has been convicted of this murder; and 
Thomas P, Fisher, Alec Campbell, and others are awaiting trial. 


COAL-MINING COMPANIES. 69 


OS ie? 8 Said Oa 0 ae fF 


COAL-MINING COMPANIES—THE PINKERTON AGENCY. 


THE rivalry existing between the great transporting com- 
panies, competing for coal freights, was undoubtedly the 
inducing cause for the formation in some cases, and the 
development on an extended scale in others, of mammoth 
land and mining companies, directly or indirectly under 
railroad control and management. The most extensive 
and thorough organization of this kind, the Philadelphia 
Coal and Iron Company, was conceived and established 
by Franklin B. Gowen, Esq., President of the Philadel- 
phia ayd Reading Railroad Company. The coal produced 
from the great body of the lands in Schuylkill and North- 
umberland Counties was claimed as the legitimate freight 
of that company, and the control of that freight was 
being jeopardized by the extensions of the Lehigh Valley 
Railroad and the Lehigh and Susquehanna Railroad, from 
the east, and the Northern Central Railroad, in the Sha- 
mokin and Lykens Valley regions, in the west. Independ- 
ently of the action of railroad companies already estab- 
lished, there existed the danger of the building of new 
outlets to market and the further subdivision of the trade. 

Mr. Gowen, from his stand-point as president of the 
railroad company, saw the absolute necessity of maintain- 
ing the supremacy of his road by and through the control 
and ownership of coal lands. He succeeded in impressing 
his views in a substantial way upon capitalists, and as a 
result established a company with extended powers under 
its charter, now in the ownership and possession of about 
one hundred and twenty-five thousand acres of mineral 


70 COAL-MINING COMPANIES. 


land, in many miles of which is embraced the largest body 
of anthracite coal in the world. 

The policy pursued on the part of the Reading Com- 
pany in the purchase of lands, as well as the influence of 
like causes, naturally induced similar action on the part 
of the other great companies, until at this time the largest 
and most valuable portion of the entire coal area is owned 
absolutely by, or under the control of, great corporations. 

Not only in the causes stated but in some others there 
existed an inducement for the purchase of lands and the 
formation of large mining companies. Whilst the area 
of anthracite coal lands is in a degree limited, the facilities 
for production under the stimulus offered by increased 
consumption during and subsequent to the war had created 
a supply of coal largely in excess of the demand. A large 
number of individual coal operators with conflicting views 
and interests, acting independently or in rivalry, each seek- 
ing to make large shipments, rendered the trade precarious 
and in constant danger of breaking down by reason of an 
overstocked market. It is true that organization was at- 
tempted, but it can hardiy be said that it worked success- 
fully ; individual and selfish interests and necessities in 
most instances defeated the best-devised and most solemnly 
adopted measures and compacts in the general interests of 
the trade. ‘The same diversity of views and interests 
which defeated the maintenance of rules adopted for the 
governance of the trade also prevented judicious and com- 
bined opposition to the encroachments made upon the 
rights of property by the “Labor Union,’’ influenced and 
controlled by the ‘‘ Molly Maguire.’’. In the case of mur- 
der or other outrage committed at any colliery, energetic 
but spasmodic efforts would be made to detect the offend- 
ers. But in the effort both to maintain the rights of 
property and to protect person and life it was individual 
effort against organized force. The ‘‘ Labor Union,’’ under 


COAL-MINING COMPANIES. 71 


the influence of high wages and prosperous times, had 
grown rich and powerful, thoroughly and extensively or- 
ganized, whilst the ‘* Mollies,’’ confident, from a long series 
of unpunished crimes, of continued immunity, were boast- 
fully and openly defiant. 

It was for the purpose, therefore, not only of insuring 
future freights to the several railroad companies that the 
large purchases of land were made, but also in that way to 
so concentrate the business of mining coal as better to 
regulate and control the trade and maintain and protect 
the rights of persons and of property. 

In the accomplishment of these purposes no company 
has been more active than the Philadelphia and Reading 
Coal and Iron Company, and no one more efficient than 
its president, Franklin B. Gowen, Esq. By reason of pre- 
vious business association, and residence, combined with 
couragey honesty of purpose, comprehensive knowledge of 
the situation, and wonderful energy and executive ability, 
Mr. Gowen, perhaps beyond any other living man, was 
adapted to carry out the ends in view,—to wit, the main- 
tenance and increase of the power of his company; the 
regulation of trade; the establishment of law and order ; 
and the protection of the rights of person and property 
throughout the coal regions. 

In the year 1858 or 1859, shortly after coming of age, 
Mr. Gowen embarked in the coal business as a member of 
the firm of Turner & Gowen, at Mount Laffee, a small mining 
village a short distance outside of the borough of Potts- 
ville. Owing to the depressed state of trade, and the mis- 
haps to which the coal business is at times subject, the 
result of the enterprise was unfortunate. He therefore 
took up the study of the law, and in the year 1860 he was 
admitted to practice as an attorney of the Schuylkill 
County bar. Great natural ability, in connection. with 
influential friends, established him very shortly in a large 


72 COAL-MINING COMPANIES... 


and lucrative practice. He became at once the attorney 
for several large land-owners; was in the fall of 1862 
elected to the office of District Attorney; acted as solicitor 
for the Girard coal estate; and early in his career received 
the appointment of attorney for the Philadelphia and Read- 
ing Railroad Company, in which last position he won the 
entire confidence of the management of the road, and be- 
came its president in the year 1869. 

The early connection of Mr. Gowen with the coal busi- 
ness as an ‘‘operator,’’ and his intimate social relation with 
the people of the coal region, together with valuable knowl- 
edge gained as an attorney having in charge coal lands 
and as the official prosecutor in the criminal courts, ren- 
dered his election as president of the railroad company of * 
immense importance. That the overshadowing power of. 
the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company, attained 
under his management, might in unscrupulous hands be 
fraught with danger to the public is not improbable. San- 
guine, earnest, and enthusiastic, Mr. Gowen has exercised 
that power with entire honesty of purpose, and, as he be- 
lieves, in the true interests of the community at large. He 
sincerely intends to act justly, but he may be unduly im- 
pressed with the rights and interests of his company as 
against all the world besides; an error perhaps inseparable 
from his official position, combined with a disposition natu- 
rally combative. Before and after his election as president 
of the company, the absolute necessity of the acquisition 
of coal lands to insure the permanent prosperity of the 
company was thoroughly appreciated. His energies were 
therefore directed to the purchase of such lands, in which 
object he was materially assisted by the difficulties presented 
by the labor question, and the constant danger of outrages 
to which the coal regions were subject. 

Understanding ‘fully the condition of the coal operator, 
he has, wherever it was consistent with his own views of 


THE PINKERTON AGENCY. 73 


official duty, rendered the changed aspect of affairs as ad- 
vantageous to the latter as possible. His position upon the 
labor question is open to controversy: he has engaged in 
a bitter contest, and the immense power of the coal com- 
bination in connection with the depressed condition of 
business has given him the victory. He has taken full ad- 
vantage of his position as victor in waging war, not upon 
the laboring man, but upon the ‘‘ Labor Union.’’ Whether 
justifiable or not in his course relative to the labor or- 
ganization, he has some excuse in the fact that in the days 
of its power, under the influence of the ‘‘ Molly’’ element, 
its encroachments upon the rights of property were frequent 
and unwarranted. Asa coal operator, an attorney, a prose- 
cuting officer, and a citizen of Schuylkill County, he had 
a full knewledge of the reign of terror under which the 
coal regions were held. He was impressed with the belief 
that to render his general policy a success and to maintain 
the value of his purchases, organized crime must be rooted 
out, and in 1873, the Coal and Iron Company being then 
fully established, he initiated measures to that end. He 
fully appreciated the difficulties of the position; he had 
fresh in- his memory the murder of Harry Dunne and the 
intense excitement prevailing at that time, the large rewards 
offered, and the earnest but fruitless efforts to detect the 
murderérs: He remembered George K. Smith, Littlehales, 
Muir, and Rea, shot down in populous neighborhoods, 
without any one being found to bring the murderers to 
justice. He knew of brutal outrages without number com- 
mitted upon unoffending men, without any attempt made 
to arrest or convict the guilty. Possessing this knowledge, 
he felt that the ordinary machinery of the law was of no 
avail, and that extraordinary means would have to be 
used. 

He told the story to Benjamin Franklin, of the Pinker- 
ton Detective Agency, and was informed that to effect his 

D 7 


"4 THE PINKERTON AGENCY. 


+ 


end both time and money would be required. This was at 
once agreed to, and a machinery set in motion which was 
slowly but surely to undermine an organized band of 
criminals in the days of their greatest power and most 
unbounded confidence for evil. The Pinkerton Agency 
undertook the task of discovering the perpetrators of crime 
with the view of prevention when possible, or, where pre- 
vention was impossible, to furnish evidence to convict the 
criminals. Among the means used to this end was the 
sending of a young Irishman named James McParlan to 
the coal region, with instructions to join the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires’’ and to communicate to the Agency all the facts 
relating to the organization. 

This detective bureau differs in some respects from the 
usual system in force in Europe and in this country. It 
was founded a number of years ago, and has since been 
successfully conducted, by Allan Pinkerton, who, with head- 
quarters at Chicago, exercises a supervisory direction over 
the whole. There are branch offices in New York and 
Philadelphia, the latter under the control and direction of 
Benjamin Franklin. 

It has heretofore been considered an axiom that ‘it 
takes a thief to catch a thief.’’ ‘This is denied in toto by 
Allan Pinkerton, and holds no place in his system. The 
force of moral power is believed in and relied upon. Ac- 
' cording to his theory, honesty is the normal condition of 
the mind, dishonesty the abnormal ; just as perfect health 
is the natural condition of the body, disease the result of 
extraneous causes. Crime and immorality weaken the 
mind, as a disorganized physical system weakens the body. 
The man morally and physically strong holds the man mor- 
ally and physically weak at an advantage. Crime wears 
upon the mind as disease wears upon the body, and seeks , 
relief in sympathy. The detective, therefore, according 
to Mr. Pinkerton, should possess not only ability of a high’ 


THE PINKERTON AGENCY. 75 


order, but also moral and physical force. He must not only 
possess versatility of character and power of adaptation to 
circumstances, but must also have strength of mind, force of 
will, and physical endurance. Of two men of equal ability 
and knowledge, the one morally strong has the advantage 
and can exercise the power. ‘To attain success the detect- 
ive must adapt his life and conversation to the level of 
those with whom he associates, in order to obtain confi- 
dence and to bring upon the criminal the full force of his 
superior intellect and moral power. According to the 
theory advanced, the model detective is one possessing 
purity and honesty of the highest order, a person intellect- 
ually and morally strong, who can yet be all things to all 
men, can appreciate virtue, but at the same time under- 
stand the workings of the mind of the criminal and the 
motives’ by which he is influenced and controlled. He 
must touch pitch and not be defiled; handle fire and not 
be scorched; bathe in filth and yet remain clean. The 
model detective may be as impossible as any other high 
ideal of perfection, and yet, acting on this theory, the 
Pinkerton Agency has not only in the present instance, 
but in very many others, had wonderful success. Ability, 
knowledge, power of adaptation, and tact are certainly the 
prerequisites of a good detective. The only advantage the 
ctiminal has over others in detecting crime exists in the 
fact of his knowledge. His testimony, however, must 
always, by reason of his previous character, be regarded 
as questionable. But the honest detective, possessing the 
necessary prerequisites, certainly has the advantage: he 
suffers no temptation, is bound by no friendships, is shack- 
led by no prejudices, and acts directly in the line of his 


duty. 
A dishonest detective would never have exposed the 
‘Molly Maguires.’’ ‘The organization had gained won- 


derful power and influence, and the patience and ability 


76 THE PINKERTON AGENCY. 


exercised by James McParlan in his investigations had 
given him position in the order offering more inducements 
to uphold it than to expose. 

The question as to the strict morality of the detective 
system is an open one. The Jesuit doctrine, ‘‘the end 
justifies the means,’’ is held to be false by Christian phi- 
losbphers. Entire honesty of word and deed, at all times 
and places and under all circumstances, is claimed to be 
essential to an observance of the strict rule of morality. 
Nevertheless, the rule has always been ‘‘ more honored in 
the breach than in the observance.’’ The detective system 
has been adopted at all periods of the world’s history and 
by all nations. The general who wrests victory out of de- 
feat by reason of deception practiced upon his enemy is 
not only not regarded as acting in bad faith, but is looked 
upon as worthy of the laurel crown and the plaudits of a 
grateful country. The ‘‘secret service fund’’ is deemed 
an essential to successful government. The purity of 
all governmental departments is upheld and maintained 
through the detective system. The Old Testament tells 
tne story of the spy and informer, and St. Paul, speaking 
under the new dispensation, approves of his acts. 

Are we bound to keep faith with the criminal in. the 
prosecution of his criminal acts? Are we placed outside 
of the pale of morality if either by implied or express 
deceit the murderer and incendiary is detected in his 
course of crime and life and property are preserved there- 
by? The criminal certainly has no reason to complain if his 
own rule of conduct in the pursuit of evil is applied to him 
in the maintenance of right. If no wrong is committed, 
then no cause of complaint exists; and no man can justly 
complain of being wronged who is detected in the commis- 
sion of offenses or punished for their perpetration. If no 
injustice is done the criminal, if his mouth is closed, then 
the rest of the world. will readily pardon the breach of 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 7 


morality, if such it be, involved in the deceit practiced by 
the detective in the pursuit of his profession. 

In the use of such means as those offered by the de- 
tective agency seemed to lie the only hope of relief from 
the fearful rule of a gang of desperadoes and ruffians who 
sported with human life, destroyed property, and set at 
defiance all the laws both of God and of man. By the 
use of those means, an era of security such as never before 
existed in the coal regions is confidently hoped for. 

In this matter Mr. Gowen has not only the approval of 
his own conscience, but also the general indorsement of the 
public; and, in view of the result attained, those least in- 
clined to favor the principles upon which the detective 
system is founded invoke, as to him, the precedent estab- 
lished in the oft-cited case of Uncle Toby (Sterne, book 
vii., chap. vill.), where ‘‘the accusing spirit, flying up to 
Heaven’s chancery with the deed, blushed as he gave it 
in, and the recording angel, as he wrote it down, dropped 
a tear upon the page and blotted it out forever.”’ 


‘~ 


CALE ete Vel: 
McPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


THE Pinkerton Agency showed great discrimination in 
the selection of James McParlan as the operative to be 
intrusted with the difficult and dangerous work determined 
upon in the anthracite coal region. It has resulted, it is 
believed, in giving to life and property there the same 
security that they enjoy in other civilized communities. 
Through his instrumentality an era of crime extending 
over long years is drawing to a close, and a people almost 

7% 


oa 


78 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


despairing of relief are seeing light spring out of darkness. 
Communities long spell-bound with fear of the torch of the 
incendiary and the bullet of the assassin now breathe more 
freely, and the law again extends its strong arm in the 
maintenance of the rights of person and of property. 

It required a detective of the first grade in his profession 
to accomplish successfully the result desired. Ordinary 
rules governing and controlling intercourse with thieves, 
rufhans, burglars, and murderers in the large cities, are in 
the coal region of no avail. Criminals usually find suffi- 
cient motive in an unhallowed desire for gain; but to a 
Molly Maguire gain is only one, and that by no means 
the most prominent, incentive to cruel and bloody deeds... 
Mistaken ideas of honor, of friendship, and of patriotism 
_ mingle with prejudices the most unfounded, with demands 
the most unreasonable, with a spirit of revenge utterly un- 
accountable. Combined with these feelings are motives 
as debased as any which actuate the petty thief, and a dis- 
regard for human life which one- would hardly look for 
even in the professional murderer who slays for gain. 

Peculiar requisites are essential for the detective success- 
fully operating among this class. With all their open- 
hearted enthusiasm and recklessness, the Irish peasantry 
possess a low cunning that is proverbial, and a suspicious- 
ness readily excited by a word spoken at random or a care- 
less act meaning nothing. To counteract this a full appre- 
ciation and understanding of their contrarieties of character, 
their prejudices, their modes of thought, expression, and 
manner of life, only to be attained by an Irishman and 
Catholic, are absolutely necessary. That such Irishman 
and Catholic should, in addition to good character and 
honesty of purpose, be imbued to some degree with the 
peculiarities and even the prejudices of his race, is desira- 
ble. But, while he must be able to adapt himself at will 
to their peculiarities of character and modes of life, it is 





McPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 79 


absolutely essential that he be cool, wary, cautious, and 
methodical. To find a person who can pass days and weeks 
among men who force conclusions from illogical arguments 
based on false premises, and yet who is possessed not only 
of great analytical power but also of delicate discretion in 
separating the true from the false, matters important from 
things immaterial, is, however difficult, necessary. ‘To find 
a person of so varied and peculiar character was not easy, 
even among Irishmen: nevertheless the man possessing 
all these traits, with others equally valuable, was selected 
for and intrusted with this business by the Pinkerton 
Agency. 

James McParlan was born in County Armagh, Province 
of Ulster, Ireland, in the year 1844, and is hence at this 
time (1876) about thirty-two years of age. He is a man 
about five feet eight or nine inches in height, rather 
slightly built, but muscular; is of fair complexion, with 
dark chestnut hair, regular features, a broad, full forehead, 
and gray eyes. His general dress is a plain black suit ; 
he wears glasses, and presents a gentlemanly appearance. 
He is social in his disposition, has a keen sense of humor, 
and is cordial in his manner. He is an Irishman in feel- 
ing and sympathy as well as in race, and resents quickly 
any unjust attack upon his countrymen, his religion, or his 
- native land. 

Upon the witness-stand his evidence is entirely devoid 
of passion, and, although feeling proper pride in profes- 
sional success, haere: for the sake of making a point, 
seeks to stretch the truth or give a false color to his recital 
of facts. His brain is logical, his memory wonderful, his 
expressions accurate. Whatever he knows he tells squarely, 
but he pretends to no knowledge beyond that which is 
actually in his possession. As a consequence, although he 
has been a witness in a large number of cases of like 
character in which the same evidence is continually re- 


80 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


peated, he has defied cross-examination. Thisaffords a sure 
test of the truthfulness of a witness. The best-devised and 
most probable story, if contrary to the actual fact, will break 
down under the ordeal of patient, able, and repeated cross- 
examination. ‘To that ordeal has McParlan been com- 
pelled to submit: repeatedly for many hours at a time has 
he answered the questions of able counsel, but, ever cool, 
calm, and deliberate, ready and clear, he has not lost his 
head nor has his testimony been in the least degree shaken. 

He is a man of considerable information, mainly self- 
taught, having had but a limited education in his boyhood. 
His early history is that of many a young Irishman. ‘The 
son of poor parents, he saw in his native land no oppor- 
tunities for advancement or for the gratification of even a 
moderate ambition. To tear asunder family ties and break 
from early associations is always painful, and especially 
is this the case when the separation is measured by a 
mighty ocean. The aged parents give their parting bless- 
ing and their sad farewell with but small hope of meeting 
the departing son this side of the grave. The son, more 
hopeful, is nevertheless borne down under the memory of 
early associations, a sad farewell to a childhood’s home 
and a native land, and the chilling prospect of an unde- 
fined future among strangers. But the necessity felt by 
many another poor lad was upon young McParlan; his 
future was before him, and he saw in Ireland no field for 
his ambition. 

In the year 1863—then being about nineteen years of 
age—he left for England, where he remained for three 
years, during the greater part of which time he was em- 
ployed as a laborer in the Tyne Chemical Works, Gates- 
head. He traveled some short distance during this period, 
working at different points. When twenty-two years of 
age he returned to Ireland, and engaged himself as a stock- 
keeper in the linen manufacturing establishment of Wil- 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 81 


liam Kirk & Sons, Belfast, Ireland, where he remained 
until the spring of 1867. 

His hopes for the future now centring in the United 
States, his parents gave their sad consent, and, with little 
other means than their blessing and a letter of introduc- 
tion from his late employers to their American agents, he 
embarked at Liverpool for New York, where he arrived 
in the latter part of June, 1867. 

Very soon after his arrival he was attracted by the re- 
ports he had heard of Chicago, and to that city he made 
up his mind to go when possessed of sufficient means.. 
Messrs. Anderson, Smith & Co., 38 Park Place, New York, 
to whom was addressed his letter of introduction, had no 
place vacant in their own establishment, but in the course 
of a couple of months procured him a situation with a man 
named Cummins, a retail merchant at Medina, in the State 
of New York. In the mean time, whilst in New York City, 
he had been in the employ of McDonald & Boas, grocers, 
attending behind the counter, delivering packages, and 
doing any other work necessary or required. 

Still having Chicago in view, he remained but little over 
a month at Medina, and in the latter part of September 
started for, and arrived at, his coveted destination. Dur- 
ing the fall of 1867 and the winter and spring of 1868 
he had to ‘‘scratch’’ for a living. He worked as a team- 
ster for a road-contractor, drove a meat-wagon, was a deck 
hand on a lake steamer, and chopped wood in the wilds of 
Michigan. He returned to Chicago in the spring, where 
he was again a teamster and drover. 

The industrious habits and pleasing address of the young 
Irishman attracted the attention of Mr. John Alston, of 
the firm of Alston, Devore & Co., who employed him as 
coachman and has ever since continued his friend. He 
“remained in this position only until July, 1868, when he 
succeeded in obtaining a situation more congenial to his 

p* 


82 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE, 


disposition, as policeman and detective of the Merchants’ 
Police Agency of W. S. Burbine & Co. Two years with 
this agency, and several months a member of the Chicago 
city police, he made his first essays as a detective, and met 
with such success as to give fair promise of future eminence 
in his profession. 

A position in the wholesale liquor establishment of 
Messrs. Dodge & Bros., No. 9 South Franklin Street, Chi- 
cago, was offered him, and, in the hope of advancing his 
condition, accepted. He won the confidence of his em-~ 
ployers and succeeded in adding somewhat to his slender 
stock of earnings. At the end of eight months, encour- 
aged and aided by them and other friends, he embarked 
in business on his own account by opening a liquor store 
at 349 South Canal Street. His venture prospering, he 
shortly after increased his business by opening a saloon, in 
addition to his store, near the corner of Twelfth Street and 
Centre Avenue, and believed himself to be on the road to 
competency if not large fortune. © 

It will be observed that McParlan, although in the 
humbler walks of life, had made continual advancement 
from the time he arrived in 1867, a poor and friendless 
young man, in the streets of New York, until a little over 
three years afterwards he is established in a prosperous 
business in his own behalf, with influential friends ready 
and willing to assist him, in the’ leading city of the West. 
But ‘‘man proposes, God disposes.’’ ‘The fire of Octo- 
ber 8th and oth, 1871, laid a great portion of Chicago 
in ruins, and with it went his Canal Street store. Then, 
so far as the liquor business was concerned, as McParlan 
himself remarks, he was ‘‘extinct.’? His saloon not pay- 
ing well under the altered condition of affairs, he sold out, 
and in April, 1872, he was employed by Allan Pinkerton, 
of the National Police Agency. However unfortunate the 
great fire of Chicago was to McParlan and to many thou- 


MCPARLAN THE. DETECTIVE, 83 


sands of others, its result in forcing him to adopt his former 
profession has been of incalculable advantage to the coal 
regions of Pennsylvania, and through them to the general 
business interests of the country. 

Connected with his earlier career as a detective, many a 
strange, ofttimes thrilling and sometimes ludicrous, story 
might be told, which will, perhaps, some day afford a theme 
for another pen. Suffice it to say here that the ability 
which he displayed won the confidence of the Agency to 
such an extent that when the arrangement was made with 
Franklin B, Gowen, Esq., on the part of the Philadelphia 
and Reading Coal and Iron Company, to undermine and de- 
stroy the ‘f Molly Maguires’’ of the anthracite coal regions, 
McParlan was selected as the operative. The magnitude 
of thé end in yiew, the difficulties, risks, and dangers of 
the enferprise, the glory of success arising from repeated 
failures; and the ample discretionary powers required, ren- 
dered the selection a High compliment. 

In the month of October, 1873, he arrived in Philadel- 
phia, and reported himself to Benjamin Franklin, the 
superintendent of the Agency there, as ready for action. 
A general plan was agreed upon, and modes of communi- 
cation by cipher and otherwise were established. Frequent 
reports were required,—daily, or even oftener when neces- 
sary or practicable. It was not in view at this time that 
McParlan should himself ever become a witness; thé in- 
tention was to discover, if possible, the criminals who 
infested the coal regions, to learn of their inside workings, 
to give notice of intended outrages, so that when possible 
they might be prevented, and when this could not be done, 
to point out the offenders and secretly furnish information 
and evidence for their conviction. 

The character of the outrages committed and the man- 
ner of their commission had led to a belief in the ex- 
istence of a powerful organization located in the very 





84 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


heart of the mining operations. It was fully appreciated 
‘that every move should be made cautiously; it was fully 
understood that by one single error the work of months 
might be rendered of no avail, and that by one false step 
future operations would be made still more dangerous, if 
not impossible. Before entering on the work, a knowledge 
'of the various localities and differing characteristics of the 
people, to be obtained through actual observation, was 
deemed requisite. ‘This was considered advisable for a 
number of reasons: it would render the detective better 
able to enter into and understand ordinary subjects of con- 
versation, and would give him a clearer idea of the field 
he had to work in. The details of his action and future 
movements were left as a matter either of discretion or of 
after-consideration. 

Under such general instructions, MePantas entered upon 
the scene of action. In the month of October, 1873, he 
took the cars in Philadelphia, with Port Clinton—a small 
town situated on the dividing line between the counties 
of Schuylkill and Berks—as his destination. Here he for 
the first time assumed the name of JAMES MCKENNA, a 
name by which he was known during the whole period of 
his residence in Schuylkill County, up to March, 1876. 

Port Clinton, a small but thriving village, a railroad 
junction, with some manufacturing industries, frequented by 
railroad hands, but with the Pennsylvania German element 
predominating among its residents, was soon understood, 
and, to the detective, uninteresting. Remaining there but 
one day, he passed a few miles up the railroad to Auburn. 
Here he found the Pennsylvania Dutch in full force. The 
town was small, and the inhabitants evidently not blood- 
thirsty; but, according to his own account, here it was 
that his main duties as an officer were appealed to. He 
showed obedience to orders in stopping there, but his dis- 
cretion told him to leave within a few hours. A ride of 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 85 


about fifteen miles on the Schuylkill and Susquehanna 
branch of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, through 
a beautiful farming country, and he was rewarded by a sight 
of the pretty little town of Pinegrove. Not being inter- - 
ested in the subject of agriculture nor in search of a pleasant 
place of residence, the same day found him on the return 
trip to Auburn, and from there he went still farther up the 
railroad to Schuylkill Haven. 

Schuylkill Haven, although outside of the coal region, is 
only four miles from Pottsville, is at the junction of the 
Mine Hill branch with the main line of the Philadelphia 
and Reading Railroad, and is also at the head of the 
Schuylkill Canal. Although possessing many of.the char- 
acteristics of a central town in an agricultural district, the 
heavy coal shipments on the canal, and the number of 
boatmen and railroad hands congregated there, presented 
subjects for examination, and afforded him opportunities ° 
to form acquaintance. Here he remained about four days, 
visiting the coal wharves, the company shops, and the sur- 
rounding country; also, while here, he availed himself of 
the opportunity to pay a visit of a few hours to Pottsville. 

From Schuylkill Haven McKenna proceeded to Tre- 
mont, which place he made his headquarters for about a 
week. Here he had his first conversations relative to the 
‘¢ Molly Maguires.’’ He pretended to believe an assertion 
of the existence of that organization, made in the Boston 
Pilot, to be without foundation. He was, however, assured 
by a railroader named Fitzgibbons and a tavern-keeper 
named Donohue, both of whom asserted that they were not 
members, that the society had an existence, that Mahanoy 
City was full of its members, and that the organization was 
bad in its character. 

Tremont was in the coal region, and here he made his 
first acquaintance with miners and laborers. Pretending to 


be in search of work, from that point he visited Newtown, 
8 


86 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


Swatara, Middle Creek, Rausch’s Creek, and Donaldson, 
at each place forming acquaintances and extending his in- 
formation. He next passed to the western part of Schuyl- 
kill County, where he paid a visit of some four days to 
Tower City and the surrounding coal-mines. Here he 
heard the assertions repeated as to the existence of the 
‘Molly Maguires,’’ but the point of their strength was 
again alleged to be in the Mahanoy Valley, north of the 
- Broad Mountain. From Tower City he made his way back 
to Tremont, and from there to Minersville, a town of about 
five thousand inhabitants, four miles to the west of Potts- 
ville, where he remained several days. 

McKenna now left the coal region and went to Philadel- 
phia to make a personal report to Superintendent Franklin, 
remaining in that city about two weeks. He had obtained 
some idea of the country, had made a number of acquaint- 
ances, and had satisfied himself that the ‘* Molly Maguire’’ 
organization was no myth, but a terrible reality. 

A course of policy was again marked out, and Pottsville 
selected as the proper place for McParlan to make his head- 
quarters, that city being the centre of business in Schuyl- 
kill County, the county seat, where were located the offices 
of the railroad and mining companies, and as a conse- 
quence being frequented by all classes of the population and 
residents of all parts of the county. 

Whilst the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ had not yet attained suf- 
cient hardihood openly to defy law and authority in Potts- 
ville, it nevertheless had a number of members of the order 
among its citizens, and several of their places of resort in 
its very centre. It was conceived that at this point a gen- 
eral acquaintance with the order throughout the region 
could be best formed, and from there a proper place for 
the basis of future operations be best selected. 

It will be borne in mind that up to the time here referred 
to, and throughout the whole of his operations in the coal 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 87 


region, the system of daily reports was maintained. ‘These 
reports, still in existence, and in the possession of the Pink- 
erton Agency, form a proud record of the industry, the 
ability, and the honesty of McParlan the detective. 


CHAPTER IX. 
McPARLAN.—CONTINUED. 


McPartan, or McKenna, as he was now called, re- 
turned to the coal region in December, 1873, after his 
visit to Philadelphia, with the intention, as already stated, 
of making Pottsville his immediate headquarters. He ob- 
tained boarding with Mrs. O’ Regan, East Norwegian Street, 
and at once earnestly entered upon the duties for which he 
had been employed. He had become fully satisfied by this 
time that if every member of the A. O. H., or Ancient 
Order of Hibernians, was not a ‘‘ Molly Maguire,’’ it was 
a pretty well-established fact that every ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ 
was a member of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. This 
order, regularly chartered by the Legislature of Pennsylva- 
nia as a benevolent association, paraded its existence before 
the world, and made no special secret of the times and 
places of its meetings. 

Before McParlan left Chicago, it had been determined 
upon by Allan Pinkerton that he was to join the organiza- 
tion, and to do so was a part of his instructions. Its mem- 
bers were known, and very many of them were soon his 
friends and associates. He was ‘‘a broth of a boy.’’ He 
had, according to his own account, come to the coal region 
in search of a job, but, as he had just left a good place in 
Philadelphia, where he had saved some money, he was in 


88 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE, 


no special hurry about the matter. He could, according 
to the style and taste of those of his nationality, sing a 
good song, dance a jig, and pass a rough joke. He was 
polite and attentive to the girls, could drink his share of 
whisky and pay for it, and was open for a row or shindy 
of any kind. Altogether, his manners were those of as 
rollicking, impulsive, generous, careless, unreasonable, quar- 
relsome, devil-may-care an Irishman as could be found in 
the four counties. 

At an early day after locating in Pottsville, McKenna 
formed the friendship of Pat Dormer, a Molly Maguire, 
one of the commissioners of the county, and the keeper 
of a drinking-saloon and ‘‘ Molly’’ resort, called the Sher- 
idan House, on Centre Street. He quickly marked Dor- 
mer as a fit subject on whom to commence operations, and 
as a consequence, alone or in company, he was frequently 
loafing in front of the counter when Pat played the part 
of his own bar-tender. An opportunity for establishing 
confidence presented itself. McKenna’s boon companions 
grew careless, and a toast, the words of which he remem- 
bered, was several times repeated and responded to in his 
presence. ‘This was sufficient for the detective: watching 
an opportunity when he was the only guest, he treated the 
landlord, and, leaning mysteriously across the counter, 
tipped glasses, and in a significant manner repeated the 
words of the toast he had heard. | 

‘¢ What !’’ said Dormer, surprised, ‘‘ are you one of them 
things ?”’ 

‘¢That’s what they call me,’’ replied McKenna. 

Dormer, without further inquiry, accepted the position, 
and confidence was established between the two. McKenna 
told him that he had been a member of the Ancient Order 
in Buffalo, where he owned some houses, but that owing 
to a crime which he had committed there he had left in a 
hurry, and was unable not only to collect his rents, but 


’ 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 89 


also, for fear of detection, to communicate with his so- 
ciety. He stated likewise that, whilst he had some money 
on hand, he would like to get a job of work, and to keep 
up his connection with the organization. The story ex- 
cited Dormer’s sympathy. He said that Michael Law- 
ler, of the Shenandoah Division, was a personal friend of 
his, and that he had no doubt that Lawler would, on his 
recommendation, aid McKenna in getting a job at Shen- 
andoah. 7 

Although Dormer had fallen so readily into the snare, 
McKenna’s path to knowledge was not always strewn with 
roses. Dormer, a night or two after the interview just re- 
ferred to, introduced him to Michael Cooney as a member 
of the order. Cooney required too much proof. McKenna’s 
stock of knowledge was soon exhausted, and he floundered. 
Cooney became indignant. McKenna, to get out of the 
scrape, assumed intoxication, called for drinks all around, 
apparently took a very big drink himself, reeled, and fell 
over on the floor, where he lay feigning sleep. 

Cooney still continued indignant, abused McKenna, and 
said that he had a notion to kick him on the head. 

Dormer remonstrated. ‘‘ The fellow is all right,’’ he 
said; ‘‘ he is a good fellow, and belongs to the order; he 
is a little intoxicated now, but when he gets sober he will 
be able to explain it all to you.”’ 

‘‘T don’t believe it,’’ replied Cooney ; “and I wouldn’t 
believe him unless he brought a card from his body- 
master.’’ | ? 

The situation was not pleasant; McKenna had made a 
narrow escape from getting a severe bruising; but he had 
gained two additional items of information, namely, that 
cards were issued, and that the officer issuing them was the 
body-master. 

Several weeks after this occurrence McKenna met Michael 


Lawler, who was then the body-master of the Shenandoah 
8* 


90 MCPARLAN: THE DETECTIVE. 


Division, at the Sheridan House; they were introduced, 
and a strong recommendation of McKenna was privately 
given Lawler by Dormer. McKenna did his utmost to 
impress his new acquaintance favorably, and succeeded. 
~ Arrangements were then made for him to visit Shenandoah 
with a prospect of obtaining work. 

Prior.to this time the detective had been extending his 
acquaintanceship throughout the coal region. His usual 
course was to stop at some hotel or tavern frequented by 
workingmen, or to go to some boarding-house suitable for 
the purpose he had in view. He stopped about a week in 
~ St. Clair (three miles from Pottsville); then, crossing the 
Broad Mountain, he remained a few days at Girardville ; 
from thence he journeyed to Ashland, which place he made 
his residence a sufficient length of time to enable him to 
increase his acquaintance and enlarge his knowledge of 
the coal region. 

After his return to Pottsville, his circle of friends not 
only increased, but, owing to the spread of the impression 
that he had been formerly connected with the order, he 
was enabled to gain a more comprehensive view of its ex- 
tent and power. His reckless, daring manners, together 
with an impression that he was himself creating of an utter 
disregard of all laws, human and divine, induced an unusual 
degree of confidence to be placed in him. He still kept 
up the fiction that he was in search of work, except to 
some friends, to whom he threw out vague intimations of 
his being a fugitive from justice. Avowedly in search of 
work, after remaining several weeks in Pottsville he visited 
Mahanoy City, where he made a short sojourn; thence to 
‘Tamaqua, and from there again returned to Pottsville. 

This was in the latter part of January, 1874. It was at 
this time that he made the acquaintance of Michael Law- 
ler, or, as he was generally called, ‘‘ Muff’? Lawler, and 
agreed to go to Shenandoah to get work. 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. gt 


He had now made up his mind, and had so reported to 
Mr. Franklin, that his true base of operations was in the 
Mahanoy Valley, north of the Broad Mountain. In the 
early part of February, 1874, he made his first visit to 
Shenandoah, on his way stopping over Sunday at Girard- 
ville, and Monday night at Colorado, a mining town in 
that neighborhood. 2 

About the roth of February he artyed at Shenandoah, 
which place he thereafter made his home; going back and 
forth from there, until his position as a police-officer was 
discovered and his career as an operating detective in the 
coal region had ended. 

Shenandoah, a town of about nine thousand inhabitants, 
has sprung into existence within the last thirteen years. It 
lies a few miles north of Mahanoy City, and to the east of 
Ashland, and is built upon and surrounded by coal lands 
of almost fabulous value. The improvements are commen- 
surate with the value of the lands, some of largest 
collieries in the world being there in successful operation. 
Both the Philadelphia and Reading and the Lehigh Val- 
ley Railroads extend through the town, severally claiming 
a share of the rich deposit of coal. ‘The population con- 
sists in the main of miners and laborers, although bankers, 
store-keepers, lawyers, doctors, editors, ministers, mechan- 

ics, and artisans of various kinds constitute an important 
element. The miners and laborers are, however, not only 
the controlling political element, but also the great source 
from which directly or indirectly the remainder of the 
population derives its support. As a consequence, the 
fluctuations of the coal trade, with their effect upon the rate 
of wages, are quickly felt by all classes of the community, 
and asa further consequence, not only the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ 
but also the ‘*‘ Molly Maguire’’ organization was here openly 
defiant and advocated extreme measures, which, although 
not generally approved, were maintained against opposition. 


92 MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


In the latter part of February, 1874, McKenna obtained 
work at the Indian Ridge shaft, near Shenandoah, as a 
laborer. Here he remained a little over two weeks. Upon 
some trivial pretext he threw up this job, and engaged him- 
self at the West Shenandoah colliery, where he remained 
_ about seven or eight days. 

Some ludicrous stories are current as to McKenna’s at- 
tempt to work in the coal-mines. He at first insisted upon 
working in full dress. Soon his coat was thrown aside, 
then his vest, and finally his shirt. He perspired and suf- 
fered under the unwonted labor, but nevertheless bore 
himself manfully. The work in the mines would soon 
have become as pleasant as any other manual labor, but 
he found no occasion to test that question fully. He 
quickly discovered that it was not as the skillful miner or 
industrious laborer that admission to or influence in the 
‘Molly Maguire’ organization was to be obtained. 

He first boarded a week or two with his new friend, 
Michael or ‘‘ Muff’’ Lawler, and was by him introduced 
to the boarding-haquse of Fenton Cooney, who was also a 
member of the order. A very short intercourse with his. 
new associates convinced him that not only were the rights 
of person and of property and the laws of the land re- 
garded with contempt by the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization, but 
that he who had committed the greatest number and dead- 
liest of crimes and had at the same time evaded the law 
was looked upon with admiration and respect. He also 
Soon discovered that the man who supported himself or his 
family by a course of honest industry was held in far less 
esteem than the man who had acquired money by fraud or 
trick. The great corporations, the land-owners, and the 
coal operators were viewed as enemies and oppressors, who 
had no rights, and against whom any advantage, however — 
unfair, might be taken. The positions of Towhship Audi- 
tor, Supervisor of Roads, Treasurer, School Director, and 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 93 


Tax Collector were eagerly sought for, and when obtained 
the duties were administered with a criminal disregard of 
the rights of the public. Fraudulent, altered, and forged 
orders were issued with perfect boldness, and corruption 
in the management of public trust prevailed to an extent 
that would have excited the admiration of the boldest 
operator in the Tweed ring in its palmiest days. It is no 
exaggeration to say that the frauds in many townships in 
the coal region were far greater, in proportion to the 
amount involved, than any charged to New York or Phila- 
delphia jobs. Many of the ‘‘ Molly’’ leaders were tavern- 
and saloon-keepers, and their houses headquarters for the 
turbulent and discontented, where were devised schemes 
by which the different coal operations could be run in the 
interest of the organization by means of superintendents 
and bosses of their selection and by them forced into 
position. 

McKenna, upon finding that not only were his purposes 
not advanced, but that his movements were hampered and 
controlled by being confined as a miner and _ laborer, 
stopped work about the roth of March, 1874. He had 
now gained sufficient insight into the workings of the order 
to be enabled to state boldly that he wasa member. He 
gave up the story of having accumulated money in Phila- 
delphia, and began, to those confidential friends who 
under no circumstances can keep a secret, to tell of crimi- 
nal acts which excited even their admiration. He had 
two explanations for his present means of support: one 
was that he was in receipt of a pension from the United 
States government, obtained fraudulently, and the other 
that he was ‘‘shoving the queer,’’ in other words, passing 
counterfeit money. 

To ‘* Muff’’ Lawler he told, with more detail, the story 
he had already related to Pat Dormer, in Pottsville, relative 
to his Buffalo adventures. According to his account he had 


94 - MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 


worked at a grain-elevator there (describing one that had 
no existence), and had quarreled with and killed a man 
under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but assigned 
reasons that rendered him perfectly justifiable from the 
‘‘Molly’’ stand-point. He suggested that as writing to 
Buffalo to obtain a card from the body-master there might 
lead to his detection and arrest, it would be better that he 
should be initiated over again and become an active mem- 
ber of the Shenandoah Division, of which he (Lawler) 
was body-master. The reasons given were satisfactory, 
and accordingly, on the 14th of April, 1874, the ceremony 
of initiation was gone through with at Lawler’s house by 
reading to him an obligation called the ‘‘test,’’ which he 
kissed in token of secrecy. He was now a full-fledged 
member of a society known throughout the coal regions, the 
Ancient Order of Hibernians, but among themselves recog- 
nized as the dreaded ‘‘ Molly Maguires.’’ He found the 
society acting avowedly under an act of the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania, approved March to, 1871; and that its motto 
was ‘‘ Friendship, Unity, and True Christian Charity.’’ 
He found, further, that in its written constitution and by- 
laws were embodied the purest sentiments of morality and 
benevolence, not only as between the members, but as to 
all the world besides. But he also found that the written 
principles for the governance of the order were but a thin 
cloak to cover their real purposes in the perpetration and 
concealment of crime.’ Whilst there was no pretense at 
carrying out the avowed object of the society as a benevo- 
lent association, it was not every new and young member 
that was fully trusted: education was sometimes necessary 
before entering into full communion. The chief county 
officer, called the County Delegate, was alone deemed 
worthy of being made cognizant of all transactions ; whilst 
even in a lodge or division the chief officer, called the 
Body-master, and those immediately concerned, were some- 


MCPARLAN THE DETECTIVE. 95 


times, although not always, alone aware of a contemplated 
or perpetrated outrage. The members of one division 
could only under special circumstances be admitted to 
the deliberations of other lodges or chapters of the order ; 
and as a consequence McKenna found that he had advanced 
but one step towards the object he had in view. He found 
that to attain his ends he would have to out-herod Herod 
or out-‘* Molly’’ a ‘* Molly.”’ 

The character he had first assumed he intensified: he 
became loud, brawling, and boastful of crimes of all grades, 
from petty larceny to murder. He was ready to drink, 
sing, dance, court a girl, or fight. He boasted of the 
great benefit that he had been to the order, and was ever 
ready to pretend sympathy with the perpetrators of a 
crime, after its commission, which he had been unable 
to prevent and the full details of which he was anxious to 
discover. By reason of the merit he claimed to himself 
he succeeded in being elected secretary of his division, 
whereby he obtained a seat in the county conventions; and 
he had ambition for still higher preferment. In every 
hole and corner of the coal-region portions of Schuylkill, 
Northumberland, and Carbon Counties (with an occa- 
sional visit to Luzerne) Jimmy McKenna could at dif- 
ferent times be found among the order, the loudest talker 
and apparently the biggest ‘‘ Molly’’ of them all. But 
it is simple justice to James McParlan to state that this 
was only in appearance: with all his show of devotion 
to the order he never asked a man to join it, never by 
word or deed suggested or encouraged acrime. ‘To this 
he has testified in trials both in Carbon and Schuylkill 
Counties. In Carbon County a desperate effort was 
made to prove the contrary, not only without success, but 
with a signal failure that recoiled upon the prisoner. ‘The 
ill success there proved a warning to the defense in sub- 
sequent cases in Schuylkill County, and the effort to prove 


96 THE ANCIENT ORDER 


him in any respect an accomplice has been entirely aban- 
doned. 

It may be in place to mention at this point that the 
hardships endured by McParlan, in combination with the 
bad whisky he was compelled to swallow, resulted in a 
most singular effect upon his personal appearance during 
the latter part of his residence at Shenandoah. All of 
the hair fell off his head ; he lost his eyebrows, and his 
eyesight became impaired. Seeing him with a slouch hat 
on a bald pate, with green spectacles, rough shirt, and an 
old linen coat, swaggering along the streets, the last idea 
likely to present itself was that through his exertions a 
new era of peace, of law, and of order was about to dawn 
on the anthracite coal-fields. 


CHP AE Reta 
THE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS. 


ACCORDING to the sworn testimony of McParlan and 
others, produced in what are known as the ‘ Molly’’ trials 
in Carbon and Schuylkill Counties, the organization of the 
Ancient Order of Hibernians in the United States is as 
follows : 

The society has an existence in Great Britain as well as 
America, the whole being under the control of what is 
known as the ‘‘ Board of Erin,’’ selected from members in 
England, Ireland, and Scotland, and from whom every 
three months the signs and passwords are obtained. 

The national officers of the United States, with head- 
quarters at New York, consist of National Delegate, Na- 


OF HIBERNIANS. 97 


tional Secretary, National Treasurer, and President of the 
Board of the city and county of New York. 

These officers are selected by the State officers. 

Pennsylvania State officers, with headquarters at Pitts- 
burg, consist of a State Delegate, State Treasurer, and 
State Secretary. 

These officers are selected by the county officers. 

The county officers consist of County Delegate, County 
Treasurer, and County Secretary. 

These officers are elected at county conventions, consist- 
ing of officers of the divisions. 

The officers of the several divisions consist of Division 
Master or Body-master, Secretary, and Treasurer. 

These officers are elected by the members of the divi- 
sions respectively. 

The requirement for membership is that the applicant 
be an Irishman, or the son of an Irishman, professing the 
Roman Catholic faith. 

We are told that in the United States there are in the 
neighborhood of six thousand divisions, or lodges, of the 
** Ancient Order of Hibernians.’’ ‘To even suspect that 
this large organization as a body is of the same character 
or in any way sympathizes or has complicity with the 
** Molly Maguires’’ of the coal region, is extremely pain- 
ful. The country and the world will be inclined to receive 
any reasonable explanation rather than believe that so 
many thousands of Irish-American citizens are faithless to 
God and morality, the land of their nativity, and the land 
of their adoption. 

But the question forces itself, Why is there not instant 
disavowal of the acts of the coal-region ruffians by every 
division in the country? The crimes proven are fearful in 
atrocity, the society as organized in the coal region has 
not its parallel for evil in the history of the world. No 


obligation is sacred to its members ; possessed with a fiend- 
E 9 


98 THE ANCIENT ORDER 


ish lust for blood, arson and murder are but sport and 
pastime. And yet out of six thousand lodges in America, 
and a large organization in Great Britain, not one word 
of repudiation of these hellish acts, except by part of divi- 
sion No. 2, of Philadelphia, has been uttered. It requires 
a charity that ‘‘beareth all things, believeth all things, 
hopeth all things, endureth all things,’’ to ascribe such 
non-action to a national prejudice against the ‘‘spy’’ and 
‘¢informer.”’ 

That by the passwords of the society no favorable im- 
pression is created, certainly as to the general character of 
the menibers in Great Britain, where those passwords origi- 
nate, is to be regretted. The general character of the 
passwords, it is to be presumed, can be judged from those 
given in testimony by James McParlan. ‘The signs and 
passwords were entitled ‘‘ goods’ or ‘‘ benefits.’’ 

Received 14th April, 1874: 

PassworD.—‘‘ The Emperor of France and Don Carlos 

of Spain, 
They unite together and the Pope’s right 
maintain.’’ 

Answer.—‘‘ Will tenant rights in Ireland flourish 

If the people unite and the landlords sub- 
due ?”’ 

QUARRELING Toast.—‘‘ Your temper is high.’’ 

Answer.—‘‘T have good reason to.’’ 

NicuT Passworp.—‘‘ The nights are very dark.”’ 

Answer.—‘‘ I hope they will soon mend.’’ 

Sicn.—The little finger of the right hand to the corner 
of the right eye. 

Answer.—Catch the lapel of the vest with the little 
finger and thumb of the left hand. 

May 18, 1874: 

PassworD.—‘‘ That the trouble of the country may soo 

be at end.”’ rite 


OF HIBERNIANS. : 99 


Answer.—‘* And likewise the men who will not her de- 
fend.”’ 
QUARRELING Toast.—‘‘ You should not dispute with a 
friend.’’ 
Answer.—‘‘ Not Tf I am not provoked.”’ 
Nicut Passworp.—‘‘ Long nights are unpleasant.’’ 
Answer.—‘‘I hope they will be at an end.’’ 
SicN.—The front finger and thumb of the right hand to 
touch the neck-tie or top button of the shirt. 
Answer.—Right hand to rub across forehead touching 
hair. 
August 10, 1874: ‘ 
Passworp.—‘‘ What do you think of the Mayo election? 
I think the fair West has made a bad ° 
selection.”’ 
Answer.—‘* Whom do you think will duty betray ?’’ 
QuARRELING Toast.—‘‘Don’t get your temper so 
high.”’ 
Answer.—‘‘ Not with a friend.’’ 
Sicn.-—Putting the thumb of right hand into the pocket 
of the pantaloons. 
Answer.—Putting the thumb of left hand on the lower 
lip. 
October 28, 1874: 
PassworD.—‘‘ What do you think of D’Israeli’s plan ? 
He still keeps home rule from our native 
land.”’ 
Answer.—‘‘ But still with good swords and men at com- 
mand 
We will give long-lost rights to our native 
land.’’ 
Nicut Passworp.—‘‘ The night looks gloomy.’’ 
Answer.—‘‘ I hope we will soon have a change.”’ 
QUARRELING Toast.—‘‘ You are very provoking, sir.’’ 
Answer.—‘* I am not to blame.”’ 


I0o THE ANCIENT ORDER 


BoDY-MASTER’S TOAST: 
Question.—‘‘ May the President of France the general so 
grand ”’ 
Answer.—‘‘ Banish all heresy and free Ireland.”’ 
Sign omitted. 
January 11, 1875: 
PASSWORD : 
Question.—‘ Gladstone’s policy must be put down: 
He is the main support of the British 


crown.”’ 
Answer.—‘‘ But our Catholic lords will not support his 
plan, 
For true to their church they will firmly 
stand.’’ 


QUARRELING TOAST: 
Question.—‘* Don’t give way to anger.”’ 
Answer.—‘*I will obey a friend.”’ 
NiGHT PassworD : 
Question.—<*‘ The nights are getting shorter.”’ 
Answer.—‘* They will soon be at their shortest.”’ 
Bopy-MASTER’s Toast.—‘‘ Let every Irish peasant 
Espousing Erin’s cause, 
In college green 
They may be seen 
There making Irish laws.”’ 
Sicn.—Nail of the right thumb across the bridge of the 
nose. 
Answer.—Tip of the forefinger of the left hand to the 
chin. 
May 14, 1875: 
PASSWORD : 
Question.—‘‘ What is your opinion of the Tipperary 
election ? 
I think England broke her constitution by 


‘4 


Mitchell’s rejection.”’ + 


OF HIBERNIANS. IoI 


Answer.—‘‘ But didn’t O’Connell resign his oath and 
seat P 
Yes, and by agitation gained the emancipa- 
tion.”’ 
QUARRELING TOAST: 
Question.—‘‘ Keep your temper cool.”’ 
Answer.—‘*I will not raise it to a friend.’’ 
BoDy-MASTER’sS Toast.—‘‘ Here’s that every Irishman 
may stand to his cause, 
And subdue the British gov- 
ernment and its coercion 
laws.’’ 
Sicn.—The forefinger of the right hand in the left sleeve 
of the coat. 
Answer.—The thumb of the left hand in the left side 
vest-pocket. . 
November 4, 1875: 
PassworD.—‘‘ Here’s health to every Irishman 
That lives in Ireland, 
To assemble round in Dublin Town 
In memory of Great Dan.’’ 
Answer.—‘‘ When born he found our country 
In chains and slavery ; 
He labored hard to set her free, 
But now he’s in the clay.’’ 
QUARRELING TOAST: 
Question.—*‘ You seem to be getting vexed.”’ 
Answer.—‘‘ Not with you, sir.”’ 
NIGHT PAssworRD : 
Question.—‘* These nights are fine.”’ 
Answer.—‘* Yes; we shall have a fine harvest.’’ 
Sicn.—Tip of the forefinger of the right hand to the 
hole of the right ear. 
Answer. —TYip of .he forefinger of the left hand to the 
hole of the left ear. | 
9* 


102 THE ANCIENT ORDER 


January 22, 1876: 

PASSWORD : 

Question.—‘‘ Home rule in Ulster is making great 
progress.’’ 

Answer.—‘ Yes, if every Irishman would support the 
cause.’’ 

Question.—‘“‘I wonder if Ireland can gain tenant- 
right P?’’ | 

Answer.—*‘ Yes, if supported by the Irish members.”’ 

* Nicut PassworD: 

Question.—‘‘ Moonlight is pleasant.”’ 

Answer.—‘* Yes, so is freedom.”’ 

QUARRELING TOAST: 

Question.—‘‘ Be calm, sir.’’ 

Answer.—‘* I am never too boisterous.”’ 

Bopy-MASTER’S Toast.—‘‘ Here’s to every Irishman that 

crossed the Atlantic wave, 

That they may return with 
heart and hand their na- 
tive land to save.”’ 

Sign omitted. 

These were the last ‘‘ goods’’ McParlan received, as the 
fact of his being a detective was shortly after this time 
suspected, and in the following March he left the coal 
regions.* 

That the passwords and toasts are imbued with a spirit 
of disloyalty to the English government only demonstrates 
a fact well understood, to wit, that the Irishman now, as 
in years gone by, is chafing under English rule, and has 
an earnest desire not only for ‘‘home rule,’’ but also for 
absolute independence. It isa matter of regret that the 
deep-rooted hostility to England, which appears to be a 
part of the nature of Irishmen, should be fostered and 


** See in Appendix copy of the test, and also additional toasts and signs, 


oe a ee 


OF HIBERNIANS. 103 


encouraged in what appears to be a hopeless struggle: still, © 
that it is so encouraged occasions no surprise. 

But the character of the society is placed under sus- 
picion by the nature of their passwords. It would appear 
from them that the universal use of intoxicating liquors ~ 
among the members is recognized and approved. ‘The 
passwords are as surely the toasts to be used among mem- 
bers over their cups as is the body-master’s toast among 
the chief officers. But by the quarreling toast is also recog- 
nized a rough and turbulent spirit among the members; . 
whilst by the night password is acknowledged traveling by ~ 
night in unfrequented places. It would also seem to imply 
a ruffianly disposition in the night-time, from the con- 
sequences of which the use of the night password would 
protect one member against another. 

The case would appear to stand in favor of the order as 
follows: reputed good character of many of its members 
in divisions outside of the coal regions; no conclusive 
proof of the participation of any such divisions with crimi- 
nal acts in the coal region or elsewhere; a charter, in the 
provisions of which are embodied principles of benevo- 
lence, morality, universal brotherhood, and religion. 

To this extent the position is in their favor. On the 
other hand, passwords and toasts imply a general habit of 
drinking, quarreling, and suspicious night journeyings. 
From no quarter does there appear evidence of any acts 
of benevolence accomplished in pursuance of the avowed 
object of their organization ; with but one exception, there 
has been no repudiation of the coal-region fiends, and 
uncontradicted testimony exists of the participation of 
national officers in aiding the escape of a criminal and 
using for this purpose society funds. 7 

It is to be regretted that McParlan could not have re- 
mained a sufficient length of time in the order to have 
investigated the subject fully. If, as is to be hoped and 


104 THE ANCIENT ORDER 


the general disposition is to believe, notwithstanding the 
unfortunate position taken by the society in making no 
public disavowal, the great body of the Ancient Order of 
Hibernians are law-abiding citizens, by such investigation 
they would have been fully vindicated. If, however, it 
should have been discovered that the society is a disgrace 
to humanity and a foul canker on the body politic, not 
only this country but Great Britain would have been under 
the greatest obligations,—for, understanding the evil, the 
remedy could be applied. 

Taking the most favorable view of the matter, the shield 
of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, inscribed as it is 
with the motto, ‘‘ Friendship, Unity, and True Christian 
Charity,’’ has been tarnished, its fair name and fame 
clouded, and its existence regarded with suspicion. If, as 
a fact, it is carrying out in good faith the avowed objects 
of its organization, it may emerge purified by its present 
disgrace. If, on the contrary, its charter is elsewhere, as 
in the coal regions, the mere cloak to cover lawless and 
criminal acts, the end of the order is in the near future, 
and it will soon be but a memory of infamy and shame. 

Membership of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ society does not 
carry with it the right to attend the meetings of any divi- 
sion of the order; on the contrary, the right of attendance 
is confined to the one to which the membership attaches. 

A member in good standing can, however, change his 
division by bringing a card of recommendation from the 
body-master. When it is proposed to use the card out of 
the county, the county delegate places upon it his private 
mark. ‘The card can be presented to either a body-master 
or county delegate. If to a body-master, he will forward 
it to the county delegate to verify the private mark. In 
leaving the State a traveling card is used, which also re- 
ceives the mark of the county delegate. 

The body-master’s toast is given only to body-masters, 


ee ay Js 


OF HIBERNIANS. TOS 


and is used for the purpose of making one known to the 
other. 

If, after the use of the quarreling toast, a blow is struck, 
the offender is subject to be tried and expelled. 

The practice relative to the commission of crimes was 
systematized. When an outrage was to be committed in 
any particular district, the body-master of that district 
would apply either to the county delegate or the body- 
master of another division for men to do the work, such 
men to be unknown to the parties upon whom the outrage 
was to ke perpetrated. ‘These men or the division would 
receive a guarantee that if they wanted a like favor in their 
locality it would be reciprocated. 

The men were either selected by direct appointmen‘ by 
the body-master or chosen by lot. 

The penalty for refusal to act under the instructior of 
the county delegate was expulsion; but it has never, ac- 
cording to the detective, proven necessary to enforce such 
penalty on that account. 

In case of the arrest of a member-of the order for crime, 
the first effort is to raise money to pay counsel, and the 
next to procure witnesses to prove an ‘‘alibi.”’ 

The commission of crime was determined upon either by 
the body-master, by a meeting of the division, by the 
county delegate, or bya meeting of body-masters and other 
principal men of the organization called by the county 
delegate. 

It was but seldom that members of another division were 
called upon to commit highway-robbery or murder for the 
sake of gain; but when outrages of this kind were com- 
mitted by individual members on their own responsibility, 
the act was indorsed and the criminal sustained by all the 
machinery at the command of the order. 

The usual subjects of complaint were against* bosses and 
superintendents at collieries who had refused work to mem- 

E* 


fo6 ZHE ANCIENT ORDER OF HIBERNIANS. 


bers of the order; and this was a special cause of offense when 
the work applied for was given to other than an Irishman. 

To take possession of a house belonging to a colliery, but 
occupied by a member of the organization, or by a friend 
of a member, was also a serious offense, notwithstanding 
such action was taken by the boss under direct instruction 
and the house was needed for the purposes of the work. 

To carry out instructions of the coal operator and owner 
against the rules established by the men was a serious 
offense, and resulted frequently not only in exciting the in- 
ddignation of the Mollies, but ee in the ates the 
whole work by the ‘Labor Union.’ 

The gratification of a whim, ere a fancied slight, 
personal dislike, or pure wantonness, justified beatings, 


arson, even murder. ‘The actual perpetrator of the out- 


rage, influenced by no personal feeling against the victim, 
to whose very existence he had hitherto been a strafiger, 
did not stop to ask the cause of offense or in any way to 


judge the merits of the controversy. He obeyed orders 


or accepted the chance of the choice by lot. He applied — % 


_the torch which destroyed property worth thousands of 
dollars, bringing financial distress and ruin upon men 
against whom he had no feeling or cause of complaint, and 
throwing hundreds out of employment with whom he not 
only pretended, but actually had, sympathy. He waylaid 
and fearfully beat men who had never done him the slightest 
injury, and towards whom he had not even an- unkind 
thought. He murdered in cold blood, with the ferocity 
of the fiend and with the stealth of the assassin, men on 
the instant brought to his knowledge, from whom he had 
never suffered injury, and regarding whom he did not even 
know what was charged against them. 

And yet, strange to say, the perpetrators of these out- 
rages were frequently young men on the very threshold of 
life, with hearts capable of being touched by a tale of 


ass 


THE LONG STRIKE. 107 


suffering, and with -hands ever ready to succor the afflicted 
and distressed. Not even a course of evil life and dissi- 
pation was the inducing cause of their lawless acts. Born 
of poor but honest parents, and with humble Christian 
training, the young man who. never tasted liquor, whose 
surroundings were apparently pure, and whose character 
was unsuspected, would become the perpetratpr of a ter- 
rible and cruel murder. Such a course of conduct appears 
contrary to every theory of crime, and is the result of false 
ideas of honor, false ideas of friendship, false ideas of fra- 
ternity, false ideas of patriotism, and a perversion of every 
good and, noble impulse. 

Arrested and before the bar of eae justice, tender 
tokens of affection, and kindly acts of friendship, are mani- 
fested, and the sorrowing father, the loving mother, the 
clinging wife, are all seen. ‘The friend stands firm through 
good report and through evil report. Heroic fortitude and 
unexampled bravery are combined with an utter callousness 
in regard to the crime committed ; as to it, not one regret 
is apparently felt, there is not one thought of a dishono¥ed 
family, of outraged law, of a disgraced nationality, of an 
angered God. 


CHAPTER XI. 


THE LONG STRIKE—-McPARLAN, CONTINUED. 


McKenna, in April, 1874, was a member in good stand- 
ing of the Shenandoah branch of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ 
organization. Owing to the independent means of sup- 
port which he avowed, his movements were untrammeled. 
His acquaintance was now extensive, and the necessity 
of aconstant change of base in ‘shoving the queer’’ ac- 


108 THE LONG “STRIAZ. 


counted for his frequent journeyings. The rule of the 
order, which prevented visitors from attending the meet- 
ings of other divisions and taking public part in their de- 
liberations, still prevented the easy attainment of his object 
to obtain full knowledge of all that was going on and the 
names and acquaintance of all the members. By means 
of his litergry qualifications and his simulated zeal and 
ardor for the advancement of the society, combined with 
his apparent willingness to join in the commission of any 
act, however desperate, he easily succeeded in obtaining 
the position of secretary of his division. By reason of 
that office, and by loud, boastful talk and self-assertion, 
he soon acquired the reputation and position of a leader. 

He was also enabled by virtue of his office to have a 
seat in county conventions of the order, and to establish 
intimate relations with the county delegate, at that time 
Barney Dolan. lLoud-talking and apparently reckless, by 
his logical power he gained respect, and by his plausibility 
and tact acquired the reputation not only of being ready 
forfany enterprise, but also of being a knowing and safe 
operator. 

New in the order, with position to obtain, with confi- 
dence to gain and strengthen, with its full workings 
throughout the region to become versed in, with extensive 
acquaintance to acquire, during the summer and fall of 
1874 he not only attained all the ends in view, but made 
rapid headway towards the detection of crimes supposed to 
be long buried in the mists of the past. How much was 
accomplished, what discoveries were made, what still re- 
mains obscure, it is not proper here to state. In some 
cases the perpetrators are dead, in others the veil may 
never be uplifted, exposing to public view the terrible 
mysteries of the past, whilst in others the footprints of the - 
avenger are even now upon the track, and from countries 
of the Old World, from the islands of the distant Pacific, 


\ THE LONG STRIKE. 109 


from across great waters or from the recesses of rugged 
mountains, the criminal, long resting in fancied security, 
may be brought to answer at the bar of outraged justice 
for deeds done in the past. 

In the summer and fall of 1874 the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ 
was reveling in his extended power and boastful in a fancied 
security. Tweed-in his palmiest day was never more arro- 
gant nor half sounscrupulous. Not exceeding five hundred 
in number in Schuylkill, and in about that proportion to 
population throughout the rest of the coal-fields, they yet 
controlled township affairs in a number of districts, had 
great influence in the management of counties, and were 
courted and caressed as a potent political element. 

In the control of mining operations the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ 
under the influence of their most extreme counsels was 
gaining undisputed sway. The coal operator, wearied out 
with repeated and continued encroachments upon his un- 
doubted rights, had yielded point by point, until his 
ownership of property—his by purchase and by law—had 
become almost nominal. The land-owner, groaning under 
a load of unnecessary taxes, felt himself powerless to stay 
the evil. As a consequence, unreasonable as the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’’ has proved himself, there were during this period 
but few notorious outrages. 

In December, 1874, commenced the ‘‘long strike.”’ 
‘*Those whom the gods would destroy they first make 
mad ;’’ and this would seem to be exemplified by this ill- 
advised movement on the part of the workingmen. It is 
said that the strike was inaugurated against the advice of 
the leading men of the ‘‘ Labor Union ;’’ but, without an 
idea of the long struggle then commencing being enter- 
tained by any one, the strike became an existing fact. 

During the year 1874 the interests of the coal trade, 
and with them the interests of the coal region, had been 
guided by skillful hands. The failure of Jay Cooke in 


10 


II0 THE LONG STRIKE. 


the fall of 1873 had shocked the country and the world. 
Whilst repeated and large failures were reported among 
operators in speculative stocks, business houses and manu- 
facturing establishments, although much damaged, and 
those financially weak ruined, kept on in the even tenor 
of their way, hoping for better days. The cry of de- 
pressed trade soon came from every branch of industry 
and every section of the country. The coal regions alone 
seemed to weather the storm: the coal combination effected 
by the great carrying companies kept up the price of coal, 
and with it the wages of labor, and the hope was openly 
expressed that while a great financial crisis was about to 
visit the country, the coal region, generally the first to 
suffer, would escape unscathed. 

At this juncture the strike for higher wages was made,— 
made at a time when the continued decrease in the demand 
for coal and increased depression in business imperatively 
pointed to a reduction in prices, in salaries, and in wages. 
The strike was, however, in the beginning not regarded as 
serious, although at an early day the workmen were in- 
formed that not only would their demands not be acceded 
to, but that a reduction of wages would be insisted upon. 
This was not, however, believed, and matters remained 
quiet, good humor, in the first instance, prevailing. The 
strike was inaugurated at a time when the great body of 
workmen expected to be idle; navigation had closed, the 
winter stock of coal of the East and South had been laid 
in ; it was the period of limited demand, of what is termed 
‘¢ dead work,’’ in preparation for the coming season. As, 
however, the attitude of the ‘‘coal exchange’’ was firm, 
very early came annoyances, in the refusal of the men to 
allow even sufficient coal to be mined for the use of the 
furnaces on the line of the road and for the locomotives of 
the railroad companies. In the mean time, the general busi- 
ness and manufacturing interests of the country were still 


THE LONG STRIKE. Itt 


more depressed. By the latter part of February, 1875, all 
hopes of even a partial revival of business in the spring had 
died out. Many of the large manufacturing and iron estab- 
lishmeuts of the country, which had struggled through the 
past year on the accumulated capital resulting from seasons 
of prosperity, either totally stopped work or ran on half-time ; 
whilst the area of the anthracite coal market had somewhat 
extended, the uses were being curtailed, and a large falling 
off in the demand during the coming year was felt to be a 
certain prospect. The facilities for mining coal created 
a supply largely in excess of the demand, and the fact was 
perfectly understood that no combination of the coal- 
mining companies would enable coal operators to run on 
full time and maintain prices of coal or wages. 

As a consequence, in the beginning of March, 1875, 
when the policy of the coal operators was fully developed, 
the struggle began in earnest, the operators maintaining 
that the reduction of wages was to them a matter of neces- 
sity, whilst the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ remained firm in the de- 
mand that at least the prices of the preceding year should 
be maintained. The stock of money accumulated by very 
many of the workmen was now exhausted, and a call was 
made on kindred associations for assistance. These associa- 
tions sympathized with the struggles of the miners and 
laborers; but they had their own interests to guard, and 
in most instances had themselves yielded to the pressure 
of the times. The response was, therefore, made with a 
necessarily sparing hand. 

Cases of suffering now appeared. The ‘‘ Labor Union,’’ 
in spite of the murmurs of many of its members, main- 
tained its position. Fears of the dreaded ‘‘ Molly’’ pre- 
vented open revolt on the part of those willing to go to 
work, whilst outrage and crime became common.* 


% See in Appendix the list prepared by the Philadelphia and Reading 
Coal and Iron Company, published in connection with Mr. Gowen’s 


ie tele THE LONG STRIKE. 


Intense feeling began to manifest itself on both sides. 
The ‘‘ Labor Union’’ yielded the position, so far as the 
question of reduction was concerned, but, as a question 
upon which its existence was involved, demanded to have 
a voice in the settlement cf the basis of wages. A num- 
ber of the coal operators were willing to commence work 
on these terms; but the great coal-mining companies, with 
the entire approval of many individual operators, refused 
to treat with the ‘‘ Labor Union”’ at all. By the action of 
the great carrying companies in the regulation of freights 
this policy was enforced. 

About the rst of June, 1875, combined capital, in con- 
nection with the depression of business throughout the 
_ country, conquered, and the once powerful ‘‘ Labor Union”’ 
experienced a Waterloo defeat. 

Most of the ‘‘labor-strikes’’ previously inaugurated had 
been local in their character, in some instances confined to 
particular collieries, in others to districts, and again, in 
others, to the coal shipments by particular lines of railway. 
In none of these contests had the men suffered overwhelm- 
ing defeat ; they had not always, it is true, obtained their 
full demands, but the result had generally been a compro- 
mise, in which their power was acknowledged, and the 
outrages committed either by unruly members of the 
‘*Union”’ or indirectly resulting therefrom were, to a cer- 
tain extent, condoned. 

In the month of January, 1875, however, the organiza- 
tion of the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ was perfect ; not only was the 
association moving harmoniously throughout the coal re- 
gions, but it was assuming a national character, and friendly 
and profitable relations were established with kindred soci- 
eties in every section of the country. But in that which 
appeared their greatest security existed their greatest dan- 


speech, delivered before the Legislative Investigating Committee, July 
2oth and 3oth, 1875. 


THE LONG STRIKE. {13 


ger. The coal product was in excess of the demand, and 
a partial ‘‘strike’’ stopping the mining in a particular sec- 
tion caused an irreparable loss in shipments in such sec- 
tion, whilst it inured to the benefit not of the ‘‘strikers,’’ 
but of the coal producers of other sections. By virtue of 
the terms of the coal combination in 1874, apportioning 
to each region its share of tonnage, this result was not so 
manifest as usual ; nevertheless, rival interests and conflict- 
ing claims, both as between the shippers and the miners 
and laborers, had the effect of hastening compromise. The 
**strike’’ of 1875, as has been remarked, was ill advised 
on the part of the ‘‘Union.’”’ It was ill advised not only 
by reason of the depressed condition of business every- 
where existing, but also in the abandonment of the de- | 
tailed system of fighting. The conclusion, it is true, ap- 
peared rational, that if from the partial combination of 
labor partial success would result, from complete combi- 
nation complete success would follow. ‘The error in the 
calculation was simply this: combined action on the part 
of the men induced combined action on the part of the 
whole body of anthracite producers. The strike extending 
throughout the whole region, the rivalry of capital was at 
rest. As no anthracite coal was shipped, one section of 
the region had no advantage over the other, and the market 
could only be partially supplied by the product ofthe bitu- 
minous coal-fields. 

As has been stated, the situation was, as a general rule, 
regarded with good humor, until the latter part of February 
or the beginning of March, when the position was first fully 
appreciated by the men and some conception had of the 
coming struggle. It is true that prior to this time some dis- 
sension existed among the men themselves, occasioned by 
the resolution of the ‘‘Union’’ requiring that all ‘‘ dead 
work”’ should cease ; but a compromise with the coal oper- 


ators in time for the spring trade was confidently expected. 
10* 


114 THE LONG STRIKE. 


The firm attitude assumed by the coal operators, and’ 
particularly by the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and 
‘Iron Company and the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Com- 
pany, excited in the minds of the workmen, according 
to their locality, extreme indignation against their respect- 
ive presidents, Franklin B. Gowen and Charles W. Parrish, 
Esqs. It is hardly necessary to say that both these gentle- 
men fully appreciated the situation, were determined to 
maintain their position at all hazards and at any sacrifice, 
and in that policy had the full indorsement of their re- 
spective companies. 

Against these companies, therefore, intense opposition 
was manifested by the whole body of the ‘‘ Labor Union,”’ 
and the outrages committed by the lawless and turbulent 
became frequent. 

In February, 1875, the shaft-house, at the large shaft on 
the outskirts of Pottsville, was burned to the ground,—the 
work of an incendiary. A more wanton outrage it is hard 
to conceive. Owing to the great.depth of the large veins 
in the vicinity of Pottsville, and for miles east and west 
from that point, and the consequent expense of opening 
mines, the larger coal operations are located in sections 
of the country where the coal is more easy of access. Mr. 
Gowen, however, appreciating the great value of a supply 
of coal, Almost unlimited, at the head of the main line of 
the Reading Railroad, and being able to command the 
large capital required, directed the sinking of the shaft, 
which was successfully accomplished, under the direction 
of General Henry Pleasants, the able chief engineer of 
the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company. 
This resulted in completely establishing the truth of the 
generally accepted theory of the coal formation in its appli- 
cation to the southern coal-field. The mining operations 
in connection with this shaft, when completed and in 
full operation, will give at least five thousand of an addi- 


THE LONG STRIKE. It5 


tional population to the neighborhood of Pottsville. Any 
motive for interfering in the advancement of this enterprise 
would appear to be wanton, and the destruction of the shaft 
building was therefore specially malicious. A reward of 
ten thousand dollars was offered for the conviction of the 
offender, with a guarantee on the part of the Coal and Iron 
Company to insure the personal safety of the ‘‘ informer.’’ 
This reward, so far as is publicly known, has been with- 
out effect, and the transaction itself, in the crowding and 
terrible incidents of the year, has almost passed from 
memory. 

In the month of March scenes of lawlessness were not 
only of daily occurrence, but in many instances there were 
a number on the same day. Men were beaten and robbed 
by unknown parties, the repairsmen on the railroad were 
stopped from their work, train-hands were threatened, rail- 
road-tracks obstructed and barricaded, engines and cars 
thrown off the track, cars unloaded, property stolen and 
destroyed, houses burned ; mobs riotously assembled, took 
possession of engines and trains, displayed fire-arms, and 
drove men from their work. 

The lawlessness displayed in March continued during the 
months of April and May ; threats, notices, beatings, burn- 
ings of houses and breakers, mobs, railroad obstructions, 
and other outrages increased in number. 

As can be readily imagined, during this period ‘‘ Mc- 
Kenna,’ or McParlan, was fully occupied. He had during 
the month of January attended two conventions of the 
**Molly’’ organization as an officer, the first on the 4th 
and sth of January, at Lafferty’s Hall, Girardville, and the 
other on the 11th of January, at the Town Hall, Pottsville, 
and was becoming recognized throughout the order as a 
leader. Affecting to be in entire sympathy with, and ready 
for the commission of, any outrage, however horrible, he 
obtained a knowledge which he, with great tact and plau- 





116 THE “LONG STRIIBE. 


sibility in his way of reasoning, used in the prevention of 
~ contemplated crime. 

When he found this impossible, he often occasioned de- 
lays, and by his early and frequent reports to Superintend- 
ent Franklin, at Philadelphia, enabled parties interested to 
be on their guard, and thereby, in numerous instances, 
‘saved individuals from murderous attacks and valuable 
property from destruction. The comparatively slow course 
of even a cipher telegraph was found inadequate. ‘To con- 
fide his knowledge to the civil authorities would have inev- 
itably, in a very short time, led his associates, who were 
ever morbidly suspicious and cunning, to a knowledge of 
his true position, and would not only have ended his sphere 
of usefulness, but would have cost him his life. 

It was therefore determined by the Pinkerton Agency to 
give him a coadjutor, who was found in the person of R. J. 
Linden, the -assistant superintendent -of the Agency at 
Chicago. About the 1st of May, 1875, Mr. Linden ap- 
peared on the scene of action in the coal regions, where 
he has remained ever since, and has been, next to McPar- 
lan, one of the most effective instruments in breaking the 
power of the dreaded ‘‘ Molly’’ and bringing the perpe- 
trators of crime to justice. 

Mr. Linden was born in Brooklyn, New York, in the year 
£835, and is consequently now in his forty-first year. He 
is a ship-carpenter by trade, and has passed a life of travel 
and adventure. During the war he was on the South At- 
lantic squadron, engaged in his trade. Since the close of 
the war he has been connected with the Pinkerton Agency 
at Chicago. 

Upon coming to the coal region his connection with the 
Agency was concealed. He was sworn into the Coal and 
Irot Police, and given the position of captain. He acted 
in conjunction with Marshal Heisler, who was known as a 
most efficient police-officer, honest, brave almost beyond 


THE LONG STRIKE. 7 


conception, thoroughly efficient in action, but with little 
or no power as a detective. 

The appointment of Captain Linden was another evi- 
dence of the sagacity of the Agency in the selection of its 
men. Long-headed, sharp, and untiring, he yet possesses 
a sociability of manner and real warmth of heart that have 
rendered him extremely popular, even with the parties he 
has assisted in arresting and been so efficient in convicting. 

Under instructions from Superintendent Franklin, Mc- 
Kenna now, in addition to making his usual reports, con- 
ferred with Captain Linden, who, in case of an emergency, 
had authority to act promptly and on his own responsi- 
bility. Frequent secret meetings between the two were 
necessary, which in their arrangement required skill and 
ingenuity. As outrages increased in number, still more fre- 
quent meetings were required, and, for the purpose of 
warding off suspicion, a system of making appointments 
was resorted to, in which Malachi Cleery was made the 
innocent agent. ; 

To effect this was, however, attended not only with great 
inconvenience, but also with great danger. The meetings 
would take place sometimes in the bush, sometimes at 
Schuylkill Haven, sometimes even at Reading. The risk 
was run, every time they met, that the secret intercourse 
would be discovered, in which case the life of McParlan 
would have been the sure forfeit. Another plan of opera- 
tions was adopted. A plan of open intercourse was ar- 
ranged and successfully carried out. One evening, at 
Malachi Cleery’s drinking-saloon in Shenandoah, a large 
number of Mollies being present, McKenna among the 
rest, Captain Linden walked in, and, going up to the bar, 
asked for a drink. McKenna was, as usual, talking loud 
and making himself conspicuous. Linden entered into 
conversation with one of the by-standers, of whom after a 
while he inquired, ‘‘ Who is that fellow ?”’ 











118 THE LONG STRIKE. 


The man hesitating in his reply, Linden continued, 
‘‘ His voice reminds me, although he don’t look like him, 
of a fellow named Jim McKenna, whom I used to know.”’ 

‘His name is Jim McKenna,’’ was the answer. 

Linden now stepped up to that portion of the bar where 
McParlan was standing, and said,— 

‘¢Ain’t you Jim McKenna, and didn’t you live at one 
time in Buffalo ?”’ 

‘¢That’s my name, and there’s where I lived,’’ answered 
McParlan, gruffly ; ‘‘ but I don’t know you.”’ 

‘Don’t know me! Is it possible you don’t remember 
Linden P”’ 

McKenna instantly recovered his memory, affected great 
delight at renewing the acquaintance, and insisted on 
treating all round. Various reminiscences of by-gone 
times were recalled, and Linden, also seemingly gratified, 
stood the drinks in memory of other days. The captain 
took the opportunity of informing several parties in confi- 
dence that he knew McKenna well, and that he was ‘‘ a bad 
lot ;’’ that he had known him in Buffalo, where he worked 
on the elevator (which had no existence except in fancy) ; 
that he had been one of the best ‘‘shovers of the queer’’ in 
McCartney’s gang, but that as he had once killed a man 
who was threatening his (Linden’s) life, he did not want to 
arrest him. Besides this, he considered him a good fellow. 
This answered two good purposes: it indorsed McKenna 
in the description he had given of himself, and it ac- | 
counted for a certain good-fellowship existing between the 
two, by means of which information could be given and 
received, and arrangements-made in the midst of the 
crowd without detection or suspicion. 

Cleery was not himself a ‘‘ Molly,’’ but was popular with 
the order, and was to some extent under their influence, 
his house being with them a favorite resort. It was 
McKenna’s loafing-place. McKenna informed him confi- 


THE LONG STRIKE. 11g 


dentially that he had a suspicion that Linden was after 
him, and that he did not want to meet him when he could 
avoid it. He therefore requested that should Cleery 
happen to see Linden when he was about, he should let him 
(McKenna) know, in order that he might hide himself. 
This occurred on several occasions. McKenna would re- 
tire, apparently frightened, to a side room. Captain Lin- 
den would saunter in, and in asking for a drink, or in 
some casual remark, by preconcerted system, inform the 
listener where and when a meeting should take place. 

The lawlessness that existed during the period of the 
long strike of 1875 was not by any means confined to the 
** Molly Maguires,’’ although in the actual perpetration of 
crime they were active in throwing the balls prepared by 
other hands. 

The ‘* Labor Union’”’ as an organization did not counte- 
nance flagrant violations of law; there were not only too 
many good men connected with it who would have been 
shocked by the perpetration of crime, but their leaders 
were men of more than ordinary ability, capable of appre- 
ciating the force of moral power and the necessity of ob- 
taining and retaining public sympathy. But the contest 
was a fierce one ; the ambition to win was great, want and 
suffering in the absence of work had become common, and 
men who themselves would not be willing to do an unlaw- 
ful or criminal act were perfectly willing to have it done, 
and in some instances to suggest indirectly, in others di- 
rectly, its perpetration. As an illustration, in April, 1875, 
parties not connected with the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization in- 
terviewed McKenna and others on the subject of burn- 
ing one of the Catawissa bridges. McKenna was ap- 
proached as a leading ‘‘ Molly.’’ It was suggested that as 
his organization was in the habit of doing such things, the 
burning of the bridge would advance the labor movement. 
It was urged that a large amount of coal for the Western 








120 THE: LONG: SITRIRE = 


market was being transported over this bridge, and that its 
destruction would be a severe blow to the corporations. 
McKenna pretended to consider the proposition favorably, 
but said that it was necessary to have the matter brought 
before the society. In the mean time, the Pinkerton Agency 
was in full possession of the facts, through Captain Linden 
and Superintendent Franklin, and arrangements were made, 
in case there should be an attempt to carry out the scheme, 
to arrest the parties concerned while in commission of the 
act, McParlan, or McKenna, among the rest. ‘The enter- 
prise was, however, stopped. Before the time of the meet- 
ing, McKenna had a private talk with Frank McAndrew, 
then body-master of Shenandoah Division, and others. 
He suggested that the thing was a trick, and done with a 
view to have them arrested, and thereby get glory for the 
‘Labor Union’’ and degrade the ‘‘ Mollies.’’ This was 
evident, he said, from the fact that, if the burning of the 
bridge was so important, they might do it themselves with- 
out calling upon them. ‘This view of the subject aroused 
suspicion, and although, when the meeting was held, the 
first impulse of the majority, that of McKenna seemingly 
among the rest, was to do what was asked, the view he 
had suggested to McAndrew was advanced, and the scheme 
fell through. : 

In other instances the ‘‘ Mollies’’ were made the instru- 
ments in the perpetration of wrongs which cooler heads 
had either hinted at, suggested, or advised ; but in a num- 
ber of cases violence and turbulence occurred in which 
they took but a secondary part. It needs no criminal 
organization to lead an inflamed and hungry people to 
scenes of riot during a long strike, and the ‘‘ Molly”’ or- 
ganization has far too many of its own undoubted sins to 
answer for without having placed upon it the misdeeds 
of others. : 


THE LONG STRIKE. 121 


GB APPLE Beales 


THE LONG STRIKE, CONTINUED—THE MAJOR MURDER—MAHA- 
NOY CITY CONVENTION. 


Durinc the month of May, 1875, the force of the 
‘¢strike’’ was broken. The end was inevitable. The 
combination of railroad companies, great coal-mining 
companies, and individual coal operators was too powerful 
for the ‘‘Labor Union.’’ ‘The number of ‘‘ blacklegs,’’ 
or men outside of the ‘‘ Miners’ and Laborers’ Benevo- 
lent Association,’’ ready and willing to work, increased. 
The leaders in that association saw that under the circum- 
stances their power was gone, and advised that the best 
terms possible be made by the miners at their respective 
collieries. Nevertheless, whilst under the severe pressure 
of want, and consequent loss of heart for further contest 
in a hopeless cause, the great majority were ready to com- 
mence work, the lawless few still retained the power, by 
means of threats, to excite fear and delay resumption. 

To offset this the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and 
fron Company promised to secure protection for such par- 
ties as desired to go to work. On the strength of this 
promise several mines in the neighborhood of Shenandoah 
and Mahanoy City commenced operations, but not fall- 
handed, on the 1st and 2d of June. 

This excited deep indignation among the remaining 
malcontents. During the night and early in the morning 
of the 3d, the mob began to gather upon Glover’s Hill, 
near Shenandoah, from Lost Creek, Colorado, Griscom’s, 
and various other small mining towns, all the way to 


Locust Gap, to the number of about* one thousand. The 
i | 





122 THE LONG STRIKE. 


outburst was not so hearty as the number would indicate, 
since very many who had no heart or soul for the enter- 
prise had been forced into the ranks. ; 

Glover’s Hill is just opposite the West Shenandoah col- 
liery, then in operation, and it was upon this colliery that 
it was intended the first demonstration should be made to 
compel the men to quit work. Preparations for protection 
were, however, made. Captain Linden, with a force of 
twenty-four of the Coal and Iron Police armed with Win- 
chester rifles, was on hand early in the morning. About 
six o’clock some five hundred of the mob which had as- 
sembled on Glover’s Hill moved over to the colliery, 
where they were met by Captain Linden, his force drawn 
up in line of battle. No engagement took place; the firm 
stand of a few determined men kept the whole crowd at 
bay ; but for about six hours the mob was turbulent and 
threatening. 

About twelve o’clock the rioters retreated, and joined 
the party on Glover’s Hill. A line was then formed, and, 
preceded by a drum corps, they marched to Mahanoy City, 
some five miles distant, gathering force as they went along. 
At Mahanoy City they met the sheriff of Schuylkill County 
and his posse.. The sheriff attempted to protect the work- 
ing collieries. The excitement increased. Shots were fired 
on both sides, and several of the rioters injured. The sheriff 
- was, however, compelled to retreat, leaving Mahanoy City 
in possession of the rioters. The lock-up was broken open, 
and all work in that locality stopped for the day. The 
line was then again formed, and the mob left Mahanoy 
with the avowed intention of stopping the work at West 
Shenandoah. Loud threats of vengeance on the workmen 
at that colliery and the Coal and Iron Police were heard, 
but either fear of Captain Linden and his: gallant little 
band, or better counsels, prevailed, and before they 
reached that point the mob was dispersing. 


THE LONG STRIKE. 123 


As might be expected, McKenna was in the midst of the 
rioters, taking notes of everything, but to all appearances 
as wild an Irishman as that crowd of wild men contained. 
On the afternoon of the same day the sheriff made his 
requisition for the military, which was promptly responded 
to by Governor Hartranft, and on the following day 
Colonel Caldwell’s regiment (a coal-region organization) 
was sent to the Mahanoy Valley, where it remained several 
weeks, with headquarters in Mahanoy City. 

The end was accomplished. Day after day, and week 
after week, work was started at different points, without 
disturbance, until very soon the coal regions presented 
their usual appearance of busy life. 

But if at the end of the ‘‘strike’’ the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ 
was paralyzed, the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ was in full being. 
During the. preceding months the opportunity for the 
commission of crime had been daily, and in its perpetra-- 
tion he had had the implied and sometimes expressed sym- 
pathy of large masses of people who, as a general rule, were 
his enemies. Crimes had been committed with impunity, 
and he had come to believe that as there was but small 
danger of punishment, little concealment was necessary. 

It is not certain that at any period in the history of the 
“‘Molly Maguire’’ organization the commission of murder 
was regarded with any compunction, or that any value 
whatever was placed upon human life other than their 
own. Whether or not at any time there was any repugnance 
to the commission of murder or any other crime, it is cer- 
tain that in this country, as in Ireland, neglect to comply 
with an unwarranted demand was always considered a suf- 
ficient reason for the sacrifice of life. 

As an illustration: a few years ago, a boss at a colliery 
under the superintendence of a gentleman comparatively 
new in the region was warned, through a coffin notice, to 
leave. Rather than endanger his life, the boss gave up his 


124 THE LONG STRIKE. 


position, thereby throwing himself out of employment and 
losing all means of support. He was a good man, under- 
stood his business, was faithful to his employers, and in the 
discharge of his duty entirely just to the workmen em- 
ployed. The superintendent, unused to such a method of 
conducting business, was shocked, especially as every work- 
man he talked to professed to have no cause of complaint. 
Speaking to one of them of the wickedness of the proceed- 
ing and the injustice of the action, not only to the em- 
ployer, but to the man himself, in so driving him out into 
the world, he was astounded at receiving the answer, ‘‘Sure 
and didn’t the man have notice ?’’. - 

In that was told the whole story. No account was made 
of the fact that no right of law, religion, or morality gave 
them any authority whatever over the property and persons 
of others, and yet loss of life was considered only the just 
forfeit of disobedience to their commands. If the notice 
was disregarded, the party notified was at fault, and no 
moral responsibility rested on those who accomplished 
his destruction. 

This sentiment was widely spread, and the fact just 
stated has had its counterpart in many another incident 
almost identical. 

In this instance the remark made a strong impression 
on the superintendent, a comparative stranger, a pure and 
good man, a Quaker by nature and education, taught that 
even for the punishment of the darkest of crimes it is error 
for the strong arm of the law to take human life. 

But at the end of the ‘‘long strike’’ even the ‘ coffin 
notice,’’ although sometimes given, was not deemed essen- 
tial. An utter disregard of all the rights of person and of 
property seemed to pervade the organization. Arson and 
murder were not only considered as not criminal, but as 
- deeds worthy of high praise. 

The Indian boasts of numerous scalps and of acts of 


E> 
THE MAFOR MURDER. . 125 


savage butchery, but the scalps he shows are those of his 
enemies, and his cruelty is against strangers to his blood 
and his tribe. The ‘‘ Molly’? commits his crimes against 
those with whom he has been in daily and apparently 
friendly intercourse, or against his employer, from whose 
injustice, if exercised, he is protected not only by just 
laws but also by the force of public sentiment. And yet 
the boast of the sae not more exultant. In the 
** Molly,’’ conscience a red dead, and no ghosts of mur- 
dered victims arose to disturb the repose of an assassin su- 
perstitious by nature and education. 

Strange to say, whilst this disregard was felt and ex- 
ercised so far as the lives of others were concerned, 
among themselves there is a love of existence almost over- 
strained, death is regarded with unmixed horror, and re- 
taliation, however just, occasions a loud but heart-felt wail 
of mourning. ‘Their superstitions are intense and unrea- 
sonable. ‘That with this intense appreciation of life they 
should so readily commit murder in revenge for a fancied 
wrong, a slight, or to gratify a mere whim, presents an in- 
explicable contrariety of character. 7 

Before entering into a narration of stirring events occur- 
ring within a little over three months succeeding the ‘‘ long 
strike’ of 1875, a proper understanding of the subject re- 
quires some reference to the murder of George Major, the 
Chief Burgess of Mahanoy City, in the autumn of 1874. 

Mahanoy City, containing a population of between six 
and seven thousand inhabitants, is also a town of recent 
growth. It is situate in the valley of the same name; is 
about twelve miles distant from Pottsville, lying a few 
miles to,the east of Ashland, and southeast from Shen- 
andoah. It was laid out about the year 1861, by the 
late Burd Patterson, Esq., so widely and favorably known 
not only as a pioneer in the coal region, but also as one 


efficient and active in the development of the iron manu- 
11* 






126 THE MAYOR MURDER. 


facturing interests of the State. The country was then 
primeval forest, but the Broad Mountain and Mahanoy 
Railroad, of which he was an active projector, shortly 
afterwards built, and similar railroad enterprises following, 
have made it one of the wealthiest and most densely- 
populated sections of Pennsylvania. Near by is situated 
some of the most valuable land ofthe Girard estate, and 
of the Philadelphia and Rea “and Iron Company. 

Mahanoy City, although several years older, has not 
attained the full growth of its neighbor Shenandoah, but, 
nevertheless, does not present as many features of an ex- 
clusively mining town. Manufacturing interests are more 
fully developed, and the influence of the miners and 
laborers is not so paramount. The ‘‘ Labor Union’’ has 
not had so full a control; and resistance to ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires’’ has, with a class of the population, degenerated 
into a bitter hostility against Irishmen. ‘This feeling has 
been growing for some years past, and has been fostered by 
sharp political contests and the formation of rival fire- 
companies. ” 

A party of the rougher element, inspired with this ani- 
mosity to the Irish, received the nickname of ** Médocs,’ 
and bitterness of feeling on both sides rendered. ‘the a ger 
of a collision imminent. \ eee 

During the evening of October 31, 1874, a pe aharly 
turbulent feeling manifested itself. A fire, about Mo 
of the town, in the early night brought both engine-com- 
panies to the ground, and a general fight soon began. 
Shots were exchanged, several persons were injured, and 
George Major, the Chief Burgess, received a wound which 
in a few hours occasioned his death. Daniel Dougherty, a 
young Irishman who was present at the fire, and who was 
-himself wounded by a pistol-ball which lodged in his face, 
was arrested for the murder. An intense feeling was cre- 
ated. Dougherty steadfastly asserted his innocence. A 









THE MAFOR MURDER. 127 


number of persons present at the time swore positively to 
his being the perpetrator. By reason of the excited state 
of public feeling, the court of Schuylkill County, upon 
application, sent the case to Lebanon County, where it was 
tried during the month of April, 1875. 

Messrs. John. W. Ryon, Lin Bartholomew, and George 
Troutman, Esqs., of Schuylkill County, and Josiah Funk, 
of Lebanon, repres ies, Commonwealth, and Hon. 
F. W. Hughes, O. P. Bechtel, H. M. Darling, Esqs., of 
Schuylkill County, and Hon. John W. Killinger, of Leba- 
non, the defense. The case was hotly contested and very 
ably tried on both sides before his Honor Judge Henderson. 
The testimony as to the killing of Major by Dougherty 
was direct, positive,.and unequivocal, not only from one, 
but from six witnesses, whilst proof as to his innocence, 
with the counter-assertion that Dougherty was shot by 
William Major, was equally overwhelming. Testimony 
was produced showing that, the morning after the shoot- 
ing, an Irishman named John McCann appeared before 
one of the justices of the peace at Mahanoy City and 
asked for a warrant against George Major on the charge of 
assault and battery with attempt to kill, stating at the same 
time that he had shot Major, but that he was himself in- 
jured, and he wanted to be the first in- getting out a war- 
rant. Upon being informed that if George Major was not 
already dead he was dying, McCann left the Be) and 
shortly afterwards the county. 

Eleven witnesses swore to the fact that John McCann 
shot Major; but the credibility of the witnesses so testify- 
ing was attacked, and the position taken that the story was 
manufactured, and that McCann was a myth, a creation of 
the fancy. 

Mr. Hughes, on the part of the defense, became fully sat- 
isfied that Dougherty was innocent of the offense charged, 
and also that he was not a ‘‘ Molly Maguire.’’ Upon the 


128 THE MAFOR MURDER. 


first point, that is to say, relative to the innocence of 
Dougherty, subsequent testimony in other cases has proven 
the correctness of his conclusion; but it has also proven 
that Dougherty was at the time a member of the organiza- 
tion. 

The ball lodged in the face of Dougherty had never, up 
to the time of the trial, been extracted. According to the 
theory of the defense, the ball had been fired from George 
Major’s pistol by William Major, and to establish this fact 
was of great importance, as it would render the innocence 
‘of the prisoner manifest. The extraction of the ball was 
a painful and somewhat dangerous operation, but Dough- 
erty, by the urgent advice of Mr. Hughes, submitted. 
During the time of the trial the operation was performed ; 
the ball was extracted, and exhibited to the jury; it fitted 
George Major’s pistol, thus establishing the theory of 
innocence, and Dougherty was triumphantly acquitted. 

McKenna, immediately after the killing of Major; had 
investigated the matter. He met John McCann within 
two days afterwards, who told him the whole story and 
acknowledged himself to be the guilty party. The move- 
ments of McCann (who instead of being a myth was a tur- 
bulent, brawling fellow, and well known) were watched 
by McKenna for some months. No action could, however, 
be taken on his part; the prosecution had got on the wrong 
course, and the aid that could have been secretly ren- 
dered to convict McCann was not available. On the other 
hand, he was fully aware of the evidence of Dougherty’s in- 
nocence, and was much surprised to learn of the direct and 
positive testimony produced on the trial tending to estab- 
lish his guilt. It was very important at this time that Mc- 
Kenna should not be known, but, if other means had failed, 
doubtless the Pinkerton Agency would have prevented in 
some way the execution of Dougherty. Dougherty, al- 
though a ‘‘ Molly Maguire,’’ was considered a young man 


THE MAFOR MURDER. 129 


of good character, and up to the time of his arrest had 
never been admitted into full communion relative to the 
commission of crime. He was being educated. Notwith- 
standing his acquittal, his innocence was questioned by a 
large portion of the community, and by the ‘‘ Modocs’’ 
wholly denied. . 

Threats of vengeance against him were freely uttered, 
but, being a man of nerve and relying on the ‘* Molly’’ 
power, he determined to maintain his residence in his old 
home near Mahanoy City. The bitterness of feeling pre- 
vailing was intensified not only by the acquittal of Dough- 
erty, but also by the numerous outrages committed during 
the ‘‘long strike.’’ On several occasions, when Dougherty 
ventured out in the evening, shots were fired at him, in 
one instance the balls passing through his clothing; his 
escape was miraculous. 

This was during the month of May, 1875. The defiant 
and aggressive position maintained by the ‘‘ Modocs”’ of 
Mahanoy City exasperated the ‘‘ Mollies.’’ The order was 
exceptionally powerful in that section of country, and it was 
felt by them that a startling movement, sufficient to in- 
spire boundless terror, was necessary to retain undisputed 
sway. 

Complaint of ‘‘ Modoc’’ defiance was made to John Ke- 
hoe, the County Delegate of Schuylkill. As he has him- 
self stated, the idea that suggested itself to his mind was to 
assemble the entire ‘* Molly’’ organization under his direc- 
tion, with them to proceed armed to Mahanoy City, and 
then to shoot down those recognized as ‘‘ Modocs’’ in broad 
daylight, in the open streets. With this plan in view, he 
visited Mahanoy City (his residence being in Girardville, 
where he kept a drinking-saloon) and consulted Dougherty, 
as the party in the greatest danger. Dougherty, however, 
expressed the opinion that if William M. Thomas, known 


as ‘* Bully Bill,’’ and William and Jesse Major, the brothers 
F* 





130 go a Be “. THE MAYOR MURDER. 


BF the eaepered George Major, were killed, he would be 
safe and matters would become quiet. 

On the 26th of May, 1875, McKenna visited John Ke- 
_ hoe at his saloon in Girardville. In the course of conver- 
sation the situation of affairs in Mahanoy City was dis- 
cussed. Kehoe stated what his original idea had been as 
to making a combined attack, and the conclusion he had 
arrived at to call a meeting at Michael Clark’s, in Mahanoy 
City, on the rst of June, to consider the subject. As the 
matter might assume such a form that aid outside of the 
county would be required, he had sent Thomas Donahue 
(acquitted in Columbia County of the murder of Alexander 
Rae) to Locust Gap, to request the presence of Dennis 
F, Canning, County Delegate of Northumberland, at the 
meeting. 

As a matter of course, McKenna manifested great in- 
terest in the subject, and promised to go over to Mahanoy 
City to examine into the situation of affairs for himself; 
which the second day afterwards he did. He there met 
Michael O’Brien, whose views were not in exact accord- 
ance with Kehoe’s. O’Brien’s plan was to get about six 
good men, strangers in Mahanoy City, armed with navy 
revolvers, who, under guidance which he would furnish, 
could shoot in one night all the persons that might be de- 
termined upon. The escape of the parties committing the 
act, he thought, would be easy. This interview McKenna 
reported to Kehoe the same day, in the presence of John 
Regan, of St. Clair. 

Discussion arose as to the selection of proper parties to 
commit whatever act should be determined upon. Kehoe 
desired to know the condition of the Shenandoah and St. 
Clair Divisions as regarded men ‘‘ good on the shoot.’’ 
McKenna replied that the Shenandoah men were young 
and inexperienced in the business, and would hardly suit. 
Regan thought he had one good man, named Clark. Both 


MAHANOY CITY CONVENTION. 131 


‘ McKenna and Regan were invited to attend the coming 
meeting, to be held on the 1st of June, and McKenna 
received further instructions to notify Michael O’Brien the 
next day. 

At the time appointed, the meeting was held in a second- 
story room of Michael Clark’s hotel, Mahanoy City. ‘The 
meeting was opened with prayer, and organized by John 
Kehoe, County Delegate of Schuylkill. There were pres- 
ent, Dennis F. Canning, County Delegate of Northumber- 
land, Michael O’ Brien, Body-master of Mahanoy City, John 
Donahue, Body-master of Tuscarora, James Roarity, Body- 
master of Coaldale, Christopher Donnelly, County Treas- 
urer, William Gavin, County Secretary, Frank McHugh, 
Secretary of Mahanoy City Division, and James McKenna, 
or McParlan, Secretary of Shenandoah Division. 

In opening the meeting, Kehoe described the condition 
of affairs in Mahanoy City, the aggressive disposition of 
the ‘‘ Modocs,’’ and the attempted assassination of Daniel 
Dougherty. | 

The presence of Frank McHugh, who was a nineteen- 
year-old boy, was objected to by Chris. Donnelly, but at 
the request of Michael O’Brien, his body-master, he was 
allowed to remain and act as secretary of the meeting. 
McHugh then went out for paper, and, on his return, made 
fictitious notes of the proceedings of the meeting. This was 
done for the purpose of being prepared with a plausible 
account of the object of the meeting, should it ever be 
called in question. 

Upon motion, it was then agreed that Dougherty should 
be sent for. Dougherty appeared, showed his coat, bullet- 
ridden, and stated that he believed that it was Jesse Major 
who had shot him, and that he had come to the conclusion 
that the Majors were determined to kill him. He thought 
that if they and ‘‘ Bully Bill’? (William M. Thomas) were 
put out of the way, he might then have peace. 


132 MAHANOY CITY CONVENTION. 


Dougherty was then requested to retire; and the busi- 
ness of the meeting was now conducted in a conversational 
way. 

Christopher Donnelly, the county treasurer, stated, in 
regard to the killing of the Majors, that he would furnish 
two men and go himself. In reply to this, John Donahue 
(Yellow Jack) remarked that the Majors, together with a 
man named Ferrel, were at work near Tuscarora, mining - 
coal, and that it would be very easy to get them; never- 
theless, he desired that Donnelly would not move in the 
matter until the following Sunday, when he would send a 
man to Pottsville to meet him and let him know how to 
act. To this Donnelly agreed. * 

The question relative to the Majors was now considered 
settled, and both Donnelly and Donahue said that as they 
would take care of their side of the mountain, Roarity, 
O’Brien, and McKenna should look after theirs, and dispose 
of ‘‘ Bully Bill.’’ Kehoe agreed that this was right, saying 
that the duty devolved on the three last named to dispose 
of Thomas. He suggested that the best plan was to get a 
couple of men well armed, who should go right up to him 
on the street and shoot him down by daylight, or at any 
time they could get him. To this course O’Brien objected ; 
he suggested that some men should be provided, for whom 
he would get a boarding-house, and that they should lie in 
wait upon the railroad between Mahanoy City and Shoe- 
maker Patch, where Thomas lived ; the expenses to be paid 
out of the county funds of the society. This plan was in- 
dorsed by Dennis F. Canning, the County Delegate of 
Northumberland, and was agreed upon. Canning then 
._ desired to know if any men were required from him; if 
so, he could furnish them. Donnelly replied that, as the 
job was but a light one, there was no necessity of troubling 
him. Kehoe also stated that in carrying out the plan 
adopted there need be no call upon Canning. 


ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION. 133 


McKenna, as secretary of the Shenandoah Division, in 
the absence of the body-master, and Roarity, the body- 
master of Coaldale, were instructed to call meetings of 
their respective divisions, to notify them what had been 
done at this meeting, and to see what action they would 
take. 

Kehoe, on his part, further said that he would send a 
man named McDonald, alias the Hairy Man, living near 
Pottsville. McDonald, he claimed, was a good man for a 
‘*clean job.’’ * 

No further business being before the meeting, an adjourn- 
ment was moved and carried, and the party proceeded to 
take their dinner at the tavern where the meeting was held. 
Other matters were discussed socially. 


CHARI ER whi 


ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 


THE participation of James Roarity,t} the body-master of 
the Coaldale Division, in the contemplated assassination 
of ‘* Bully Bill’? (Wm. M. Thomas) stopped at this point. 
-He became further involved, however, in the conspiracy - 
to assassinate the two Majors, and during the month of 
June was active in arranging the details of other crimes 
of like nature, hereinafter explained. 

It will be borne in mind that at the time John Kehoe 


os 


* McParlan defines a ‘‘ clean job’’ as signifying the shooting of a man, or 

» the beating of him well, or the burning down of a place, or any other out- 

rage. If a man was sent to do a job of that kind, and did it according 

to instructions and got off, it would, in every sense of the term, be ‘a 
clean job.” 

¢ Convicted of the murder of policeman Benjamin F. Yost, of Tamaqua. 


a 
I2 


134 ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION 


called a committee together to consider the question of the 
Mahanoy ‘‘ Modocs,’’ the ‘‘long strike’? had drawn to a 
close, and work had started under the arrangement made 
by the Coal Exchange for the protection of the workmen. 
As a consequence, the first steps taken to prepare for the 
murders determined upon were during a period of great 
excitement, and at a time when the last efforts of the mal- 
contents of the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ were being made. This 
prevented any meeting of the Shenandoah Division before - 
the evening of the 4th of June, and enabled McKenna to 
give to the Detective Agency full reports relative to the 
convention held at Mahanoy City. He was also enabled to 
confer with his coadjutor, Captain Linden; but the threat- 
ening dangers, and the riot which occurred on the 3d of 
June, occupied the full attention of the whole available 
police force. McKenna was therefore, to a great extent, 
thrown on his own resources. He was required not only to 
prevent, if possible, the contemplated murder, but also at 
the same time to maintain and even still further advance his 
position as a leading member of the order. 

The fact that Kehoe intended to call a committee meet- 
ing at Mahanoy City to consider the position of affairs 
there, and that the murder of the Majors and * Bully Bill’’ 
would probably be determined upon, was no secret among 
the ‘‘ Mollies’’ throughout Schuylkill. County. The sub- 
ject had been generally discussed for some time before the 
meeting was held. When, therefore, McKenna, on his return 
to Shenandoah, acting in place of Frank McAndrew, the 
body-master, called his division together, without further 
explanation the object in making the call was readily un- 
derstood. ‘The policy determined upon at Mahanoy City 
had, however, been explained to Monaghan, Gibbons, and 
Hurley. The meeting of the division was held on the 
evening of the 4th of June (the day after the ‘‘ Labor — 
Union’’ riot), in the bush on the Ringtown Mountain, 


re 


¥ 


is worth a hundred such as ‘ Bully Bill’s. 


OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 135 


north of Shenandoah. The members present were Ed- 


_ ward Monaghan, constable of the borough of Shenandoah, 


John Gibbons,* Thomas Hurley,} Michael Doyle, Thomas 
Munley,{ Michael Durcey, Patrick Garvey, and James 
McParlan, alias McKenna. The purpose for which the 
meeting was called was discussed at once, Garvey remark- 
ing, ‘‘ I suppose yez all know the object of the meeting ?”’ 
to which there was a general assent. 

Gibbons, Doyle, and Hurley, all very young men, volun- 
teered to ‘do the work,’’ but insisted on McKenna being 
one of the party, to which he without objection consented. 
The next evening (Saturday) was fixed upon as the time 
for the murder. It was expected that ‘‘ Bully Bill’’ would 
be in Mahanoy City at that time, as usual, ona spree. The 
place of rendezvous was fixed at Michael Clark’s tavern, 
where the committee had met three days before. The 
parties met at Mahanoy City according to this appoint- 
ment. Frank McHugh and Michael O’Brien came into 
the tavern shortly after their arrival. 

-McKenna had matured his plan of action. He took 
O’Brien out of the house, and walked with him down the 
street. He suggested to him that it would be a very foolish 
thing to shoot Thomas that night, that the military was in 
the town, that soldiers were patrolling the railroads and 
guarding the coal-breakers. He remarked that Thomas 
could not be shot without making a noise, which would 
inevitably lead to capture, and, said he, ‘‘ one of our lives 
** O'Briensre 
garded the arguments as very forcible; indeed, so ingeni- 
ously did McKenna play upon him, that he almost came to 
the conclusion that the points had been suggested by himself. 


* Convicted of assault and battery with intent to kill Wm. M, Thomas 
(‘* Bully Bill’’). 

T Fugitive from justice. 

t Convicted of the murder of Thomas Sanger. 


136 ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION 


On their return to the tavern, O’Brien called the party 
together, and in an earnest way, using the arguments by 
which he had himself just been affected, advised that the 
enterprise be given up for the time, and that they return 
to their homes. O’Brien was body-master of the Mahanoy 
Division, had arrived at mature years, and the enterprise 
was under his peculiar direction; as a consequence the 
young men were readily convinced, and, with a promise 
of their being notified when a favorable opportunity should 
present itself, started on their return to Shenandoah. 

McKenna at this time was not only making frequent 
reports to Superintendent Franklin, but was also in con- 
stant communication with Captain Linden, endeavoring, 
so far as his information enabled him, to frustrate the 
perpetration of the numerous crimes then contemplated. 

The heroic aspect of the case, from the ‘‘ Molly’’ stand- 
point, had now fully taken possession of the minds of young 
Hurley and Doyle, and they were determined to carry the 
enterprise through. On the 1oth of June, Gibbons being 
present, they called on McKenna at Shenandoah, and told 
him that they were on the road to Mahanoy City, where 
they hoped to see Thomas. They asked him g0 go along. 
The proposal was sudden ; he had no opportunity to report ; 
but, relying on the fact that they would first have to meet 
O’Brien and arrange matters, he made some trivial excuse 
and declined. On the 11th he succeeded in making his 
arrangements to follow them, and on the rath he did so, 
taking Gibbons along with him. He found Hurley and 
Doyle boarding with a Mrs. McDonnell, with whom O’ Brien 
had placed them. ‘They reported that they had not, as . 
yet, succeeded in meeting Thomas, but as their board was 
paid, and as they had no work, they would wait. McKenna 
tried to convince them that this was useless; but O’Brien 
sustained them in their determination, saying that he had 
no doubt they would be all right in a short time. 


b 


OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 137 


McKenna and Gibbons then left Mahanoy City. They 
drove to Mahanoy Plane, where they met William Calla- 
han, the body-master of that division. Gibbons wanted 
to know from him why he had not sent some men over to 
Mahanoy City to shoot some of the ‘*‘ Modocs.”’ 

Callahan replied that some weeks previously he had lent 
two navy revolvers to ‘‘ Friday’? (James) O’Donnell for 
the purpose of killing Dr. Bissell and some other of the 
**Modocs,’’ but that nothing had been done yet. 

McKenna and Gibbons then proceeded to Girardville, 
where they called on John Kehoe, who seemed well satis- 
fied that the matter was moving right. 

As might have been expected, the result of Hurley and 
Doyle’s visit to Mahanoy City was an utter failure, so far as 
the main purpose was concerned. Thomas was never found 
in an exposed condition. On the 15th of June they returned 
to Shenandoah, bringing Patrick Clark with them to call on — 
McKenna. They were still anxious to effect the murder of 
Thomas, and, contrary to the advice of McKenna, but 
urged on by Gibbons, who lent them a shot-gun, which he 
said he had loaded enough to blow ‘‘ Bully Bill’s’’ head 
off, they started out, hoping to succeed in their purpose by 
watching along the railroad. They were again unsuccessful. 

On the 23d of June, Michael O’Brien, in company 
with a man named John McDonald, came to Shenandoah 
to see McKenna, who was sick at his boarding-house. 
Doyle was there at the time, and asked if they should then 
go over and shoot Thomas. O’Brien replied that this was 
a good opportunity ; that he was working at the same col- 
liery with him; that Thomas was on the day-shift, and 
generally came out of the mines about two o’clock in the 
afternoon. ‘This fact was borne in mind, but arrangements 
could not be made to start at once. McKenna excused 
himself, and the others, although willing to go, consented 
to defer the job still further. 

12* 


138 ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION 


On the 24th of June, Frank McAndrew, the body-mas- 
ter of the Shenandoah Division, who had just returned from 
Luzerne County, together with McKenna, met John Kehoe. 
The conversation turned on the Mahanoy City matter. 
McKenna stated that O’Brien had been over to get men; 
that he could not himself go, on account of the condition 
of his health, but that Doyle was ready. ‘This was con- 
sidered, so far as concerned McKenna, a valid excuse for 
not having gone; but -Kehoe then instructed McAndrew 
that when he appointed men to do anything and they did 
not do it, he should expel them from the order at once ; 
that McAndrew should attend to this business.* 

On Sunday, the 27th of June, Thomas Hurley, John 
Morris, Frank McAndrew, and Michael Doyle were at 
McKenna’s boarding-house. McAndrew asked if Morris, 
Hurley, and Doyle were going over to Mahanoy City. 
They replied that they were. McAndrew then sent Carey 
after Gibbons. ‘The two shortly afterwards returning to- 
gether, McAndrew said, ‘‘ These men here, Morris, Doyle, 
and Hurley, are going to Mahanoy to shoot Thomas in 
the morning as he is going out to work, and they want 
to know if you are going along.’’ Gibbons replied that 
he was. 

Carey volunteered to work in Doyle’s place during his 
absence, and it was arranged that a man named Daniel 
Sweeny should work for Morris. It was agreed that the 
parties doing ‘‘ the job’’ should each receive a day’s wages 
out of the society treasury. 

On account both of his sickness and of the rapidity of 
the movement, McKenna was unable to give warning in 
time and thus secure their arrest whilst in the commission 
of the crime. The party started at once for Mahanoy City, 





* An expulsion under such circumstances not only destroyed the social 
standing of the. expelled member among his associates, but also placed 
his life and property in constant danger. 


OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 139 


at which place they met O’Brien, who took them to a 
boarding-house, where they remained during the night, 
but left early in the morning for Shoemaker’s Patch, where 
Thomas lived. ‘Thomas came out of his house about half- 
past six o’clock in the morning, and went to the col- 
liery stable. There he remained, talking to the stable-boss 
and some teamsters. During this time Hurley, Gibbons, 
Doyle, and Morris were sitting at the mouth of the drift, 
waiting for ‘Thomas to appear. Becoming impatient at his 
not coming, they all proceeded to the stable where he was, 
and commenced firing at him through the door. One shot 
hit him in the breast, another in the hand, and two in the 
neck. He either fell or threw himself among the horses, 
where, covered with blood, the would-be assassins left him, 
thinking that he was dead. Fortunately, however, his 
wounds were not fatal, and his recovery was rapid. 

The perpetrators of the crime sought safety in flight. 
They left at once for Shenandoah, where they met Mc- 
Kenna and told him of all they had done. 

Gibbons shortly afterwards left the county. John Renee 
gave him a dollar and a half; Thomas Donahue gave 
him two dollars, and took him to the railroad-station at 
Rupert.* 

No arrests were made of parties engaged in this outrage 
until nearly a year had elapsed. It was being buried in 
the mists of the past; and only remembered as one of the 
long list of ‘‘ Molly’’ outrages for which there seemed to 
be no redress or punishment. 

*¢ Bully Bill,’? in the attack made upon him which has 
just been described, had barely escaped with his life. For 
some reason he was specially obnoxious, and his murder 
was still earnestly desired. On the evening of the 15th of 


* Gibbons has since been convicted of ‘‘ assault and battery with in- 
tent to kill” William M. Thomas. 


-r4o ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION 


July following, as he was getting on the train at the depot 
of the Lehigh Valley Railroad at Mahanoy City, another 
attempt was made to kill him. He was fired at by a party 
of strangers, but fortunately the shots did not take effect, 
either upon him or upon any of the by-standers. 

Whilst it is a subject of congratulation that William M. 
Thomas was not killed, his escape renders but deeper the 
regret that the like good fortune had not befallen the 
many other victims of ‘‘ Molly’’ outrages; that men like 
Henry Dunne and Alexander Rae, with high social gifts and 
intellectual powers, should have been stricken down in 
careers of usefulness; that George K. Smith, dreaming of 
wrong to no man, should have been shot down on his own 
hearthstone like a dog; that Littlehales, and Muir, and 
Morgan Powell, acting in the full discharge of their duty, 
and against whom there was no word of just reproach, 
should, in the pride of their manhood and their strength, 
have fallen victims to the bullet of the assassin; that many 
another honest and true man, whose murder remains un- 
avenged, should have incurred the hatred of the ‘* Mollies’’ 
and fallen a victim to their wrath. William M. Thomas 
escaped ; his friends rejoiced, and the hundreds of fiends 
who knew that his assassination had been planned, with 
Jack Kehoe at their head, mourned the failure of a ‘* clean 
job.” | 

The preliminary movements attending this attempt at 
murder have been given somewhat in detail, as they clearly 
illustrate the character of the organization,—the utter want 
of moral perception on the part of its members. Jack 
Kehoe opened the Mahanoy City meeting of the 1st of 
June with prayer. First prayer, and then murder! Was 
this hypocrisy? Was it blasphemy? Or was it an open 
defiance of a great Creator, whose edict, delivered amidst 
clouds and thunders and fires on the top of Mount Sinai, 
‘*Thou shalt not kill,’’ has been recognized in all ages 


OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 14! 


and in all climes, in lands enlightened and in nations bar- 
barous, by the meek and lowly Christian and by the veriest 
unbeliever who says in his heart, ‘‘ There is no God’’? 
No! bad as is this terrible organization,—and it has no 
parallel in the recorded annals of the-world,—the answer 
still is, No! It was simply an utter want of moral percep- 
tion. The ordinary rules of conduct by which mankind in 
general are influenced seem to have had with these men 
no application. The answer of the Delphic oracle, ‘‘ Know 
thyself,’’ for thousands of years has governed the student 
of human nature, but it is to be hoped it offers no key to 
**Molly’’ impulses or ‘‘ Molly’’ crimes. 

The terrible object of the meeting just referred to was 
known and indorsed by very many members of the society. 
Jack Kehoe had no fear of shocking the-moral sense of the 
organization when he proposed to summon all his cohorts 
in Schuylkill County to drench the streets of Mahanoy 
City in blood. Neither did Dennis Canning see aught in 
the conduct of the meeting or in the object proposed but 


what was proper and right; he cordially offered the assist’ - 


ance of old Northumberland ; but the work was light: only 
three men were to be killed; a city of neighbors should 
for the time remain exempt from general slaughter. 
Roarity and Donnelly and Yellow Jack Donahue ex- 
pressed their sympathy, and promised the active aid of 
their respective sections. McKenna, as directed, called a 
meeting of his division, and volunteers, active and earnest 
as if for a gallant and noble enterprise, sprang forward, 
thirsting for the privilege of committing a cold, a brutal, 
and a bloody murder. How quickly McAndrew indorsed! 
and furthered the work! How gracefully William Callahan 


excused himself for not killing a few men, under the plea, 


that he had lent his pistols to others to do the deed, which 
he regretted had not yet been accomplished! With the 
stray guest at a tavern or the casual visitor to a sick friend, 


t 


142 ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION. 


at home or abroad, the matter was discussed with all the 
carelessness and freedom of the most ordinary every-day 
occurrence, provided such discussion was within the limits 
of a society holding as its motto ‘‘ Friendship, Unity, and 
True Christian Charity.’? Nor was there any particular 
caution exercised in such intercourse: they held a com- 
munity bound with a chain of terror, and wide-spread 
knowledge of criminal acts did not present any danger of 
information or punishment. 

Courted by the politician, dreaded and feared by the 
community, and denounced by their church, they sought 
to cheat their God. Cognizant of, and participants in, 
crimes of the deepest dye, many of them for the time being 
would not take the “‘ goods’’ or “ benefits,’’ and under that 
shallow plea would deny their connection with the order. 
The communion-table might thus be reached, the priest de- 
ceived, and the solemn confession rendered. But all would 
be of no avail: the foul wrong was bare in the eyes of Him 
who is omnipresent, omniscient, omnipotent. 

In the attempted murder of Thomas, as in most other 
outrages, the scheme was devised by the older, the cooler, 
the wickeder, and the more cautious heads, whilst the 
actual perpetration of the crime was committed to mere 
boys, or those who in the early years of manhood had 
been imbued with perverted ideas of heroic action. Asa_ 
necessity, those of more mature years were often compelled — 
to act as guides, but they sought not the ‘‘glory’’ of the 
act itself. 

John Kehoe, the County Delegate, is about forty-five 
years of age; O’Brien and Donnelly are in the same dec- 
ade, but the first is older than Kehoe, and the second 
younger. Canning, Garvey, and Roarity are each about 
thirty, Yellow Jack Donahue about fifty-five. These were 
among the wiser heads controlling and directing. Thomas 
Hurley, John Gibbons, Michael Doyle, and John Morris, 


OF WILLIAM M. THOMAS. 143 


who were the active perpetrators of thé crime, at the time 
were of ages varying from nineteen to twenty-three. Frank 
McHugh, who acted as secretary of the meeting at which 
the killing was determined upon, was nineteen years old, 

If fancy should picture these men as dark-browed ruffians 
and ill-looking scoundrels, fancy would be, as it often- 
times is, mistaken. The great majority of them present 
no appearance of murderers or assassins ; on the contrary, 
several of them are handsome, have pleasing, attractive 
features, and many men with more of the look of criminals 
are held in universal esteem. ‘They are, in fact, men who, 
not naturally bad, might well, had their lives received a 
different bent, have been good citizens and honest -men. 
Yellow Jack Donahue and Donnelly are notable exceptions: 
they look their character. 

Jack Kehoe is a large, well-built, handsome man, but 
with a cold, cruel eye. This, perhaps, would only be ob- 
served by those possessing a knowledge of his character. 
Neither O’Brien nor Canning presents anything in his 
looks to indicate his character, the appearance of both men 
being ordinary. MRoarity has a countenance that grows 
worse upon acquaintance: this may be accounted for by 
the fact that in the face of the most damning evidence of 
guilt he shows a feeling partaking of perfect indifference. 
Hurley, Gibbons, Doyle, and Morris look like young Irish 
boys, but, with the exception of Hurley, give no outward 
indications of vice. ‘The last-named is a bad fellow, was 
badly reared, is a liar and a thief, false to those whom he 
regards as his friends as well as to his foes. He has not a 
single good instinct ; and his Spercries is, to a certain ex- 
tent, marked in his face. 

Doyle is quite small, scarcely over five feet in height ; 
he has been kicked from pillar to post all his life, is a bad 
fellow, but has kindly traits of character. It is possible 
that under different circumstances and better training his 


144 MEETING IN THE BUSH. 


evil nature might have been restrained. He is nowa fugi- 
tive from justice, aided in his escape by national officers 
of the Ancient Order of Hibernians with society funds. 

Gibbons and Morris are of good families, and respectably 
nurtured. They have not shown, except by their connec- 
tion with the ‘‘ Molly Maguires,’’ any natural predilection 
for crime; they seem to have been wholly moved by what 
to them appeared the heroic aspect of the case, and sought 
to win the meed of praise and honor from their fellows. 

Young Frank McHugh has received careful Christian edu- 
cation. He was induced to join the order, and received the 
patronage and training of Mike O’Brien. He some time 
since severed his connection with it, and may, and it is 
trusted will, break the force of the bad influences by which 
he was for a short time surrounded and controlled, and 
become a good and respected member of society. 


CHAPTER XIV: 


eed 


MEETING IN THE BUSH—THE MAJORS—JOHN J. SLATTERY. 


It will be remembered that at the meeting called by 
John Kehoe at Mahanoy City, on the 1st of June, John 
or Yellow Jack Donahue, of Tuscarora (a small town about 
four miles west of Tamaqua, on the Schuylkill Valley branch 
of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad), and Chris. 
Donnelly were appointed to compass the assassination of - 
William and Jesse Major. Donnelly, the County Treas- 
urer of the order, resided at New Castle, a small town about 
four miles from Pottsville and about fourteen miles from 
Tuscarora. James Roarity, the body-master of Coaldale, 
was at a point some four or five miles east of Tamaqua. 

Yellow Jack Donahue, who will be remembered as the 


MEETING IN THE BUSH. 145 


murderer of Morgan Powell at Summit Hill, and as one of 
the worst, if not the very worst, of the many hardened 
villains who have infested the coal regions, immediately 
assumed the leadership. He requested, at the time of the 
Mahanoy meeting, that Donnelly should furnish him two 
men, but that they should not forward any until he should 
hear from him, which, he said, would be on the following 
Sunday. 

Donahue shortly afterwards requested Roarity to send 
the men. Immediate compliance with this request was 
promised. Roarity was as good as his word. He came over 
to -Tamaqua, bringing the two men with him to commit 
the assassination. ‘They stopped at the Union House, the 
«‘ Molly’’ headquarters at that place, kept by James Carroll. 
Upon their arrival Carroll handed Roarity a dispatch or 
letter from Donahue telling him not to go to Tuscarora at 
that time, and not until he was again sent for. Roarity 
returned to Coaldale, and, not receiving further message on 
the subject, dropped the matter. 

There is some confusion here as to dates. Yellow Jack 
Donahue called a meeting of the Tuscarora Division on 
Sunday, either the 6th or the 13th of June. The arrange- 
ments with Chris. Donnelly, of Mount Laffee, at the time 
of the meeting had already been made and two men named. 
Jerry Kane and a man named Stanton were to be forwarded, 
and actually did put in an appearance ready for the work. 
James Kerrigan, the body-master of Tamaqua, who has 
since obtained wide-spread notoriety as an ‘‘informer,’’. 
was present by special invitation. ‘The meeting was held 
in the bush, on Little Mountain, near Tuscarora. 

Early on the Sunday afternoon a party, among whom 
were John Donahue, Jimmy Kerrigan, Michael Doolan, and 
Michael Somers, practiced shooting at a mark with a Spring- 
field rifle belonging to Charles Mulhearn. Kerrigan was 


the best shot, and it was determined that he should use the 
G 13 


146 MEETING IN THE BUSH. 


rifle. Doolan offered the services of a shot-gun which he 
owned. A party of men, seemingly fully aware of what 
was going on, sat near by, playing cards. 

After this matter was settled, the meeting was called to 
order at a point some little distance from where the party 
had been shooting ata mark. ‘There were present Yellow 
Jack Donahue, James Kerrigan, Michael Somers, Michael 
Doolan, Charles Mulhearn, John Slattery, Matthew Dona- 
hue, John Malay, John Coleman, Pat Smith, Joseph Ryon, 
and perhaps others. As was the invariable custom, the 
meeting was opened in the name of the Father, the Son, 
and the Holy Ghost, and the Holy St. Patrick of Ireland, 
each person present making the sign of the cross. Yellow 
Jack Donahue officiated. 

Donahue is about fifty-five years old, of medium height, 
black hair and eyes, regular features, and muscular frame, 
and yet there is that about him which is intensely repul- 
sive. He looks the villain that he is,—a fiend in human 
form,—dark, cold, bloody, relentless, without a feeling of 
love for his kind, a spark of pity for his victim, a care or 
regret for his crimes, or fear or dread of God or devil. 

Yellow Jack then stated that at a meeting called by Jack 
Kehoe at Mahanoy City it had been determined to kill the 
two Majors, then working at Middleport (four miles distant), 
and Bully Bill; that Donnelly, the County Treasurer, and 
himself had taken the Majors in hand; that Donnelly was 
ready with two men, and that Jimmy Kerrigan was willing 
to assist. Who would volunteer ? 

There was a pause. Donahue continued, ‘‘Are you a lot of 
old women? Jack Kehoe ought to take your charter away.’’ 

Charles Mulhearn, one of the older and more hardened 
villains, laughed, and, prompted by a feeling of dislike to 
John Slattery, with whom he was on bad terms, said, ‘‘ If 
I were not at,present lame I would go. Let John Slattery 
be selected.”’ 


MEETING IN THE BUSH. 147 


Slattery is over fifty years of age. He had enjoyed a 
good character for many years, when in the spring of 1872, 
weakly yielding to importunity, he joined the Ancient 
Order of Hibernians, persuading himself, against not only 
his better judgment but also his actual knowledge, that there 
was nothing wrong in the order. He had acquired in the 
neighborhood of twenty thousand dollars, and had in the 
fall of 1871 been the Democratic candidate for Associate 
Judge, but was defeated by Judge Seitzinger, running on 
the Independent judiciary ticket. His fall had been rapid. 
He had yielded to temptation. ‘The means of revenge 
offered by the society proved too much for him, and he 
was the willing confederate, if not an active participant in 
their crime, of those who burned the store and dwelling- 
house of a man named O’ Hara, his personal enemy. 

He had groaned in spirit under the net-work of crime 
weaving around him; and, being not only not naturally 
bad, but possessed even of many good and amiable traits of 
character, he was suspected, and: subjected to annoyance. 
He had attended the meeting under the influence of fear 
of his associates, and the proposition for him to volunteer 
to commit murder, thrown at him in sheer malice, shocked 
him. The idea of committing murder, in his own person 
and with his own hand, he had never dreamed of, but he 
understood the character of his confederates, and he dared 
not absolutely refuse. 

**T cannot go,’’ said he, ‘‘ but I will give five dollars to 
a man to take my place.”’ 

**T will go,’’ volunteered Michael Doolan, a young and 
very handsome Irishman. 

*¢ And I,’’ said Matthew Donahue. 

Yellow Jack grinned approvingly; his division was 
emerging, in his opinion, from the disgrace in which a 
momentary hesitation had placed it. He announced that 
he, too, would be of the party. 


148 “MEETING IN THE BOSH. 


It was then determined that if possible the murder 
should be committed on Tuesday morning following; that 
Michael Somers should watch the movements of the Majors 
and report, and that if everything proved favorable the 
party should take its position Monday night in a grave-yard 
near Middleport. Kerrigan should in the mean time re- 
turn to Tamaqua, to be recalled by a telegraph from Yellow 
Jack when all was ready. 

For two days Somers reported that the Majors did not 
go to work as usual. On Tuesday, however, Yellow Jack 
became impatient, and determined to run the chances of 
meeting them. He therefore telegraphed to Carroll at 
Tamaqua : 

‘“TUSCARORA, June I5, 1875. 

** Don’t send the boy over to-night. 

‘¢JoHN DONAHUE.’’ 


This meant that Kerrigan should start at once. 

Jimmy had, however, been at work during the day, felt 
tired, and concluded he would not go. 

If it were not for the fact that with these men human 4 
life is held so cheap, their conduct would be utterly incom- 
prehensible. With alacrity they consent to engage in the 
murder of a stranger, against whom they have no feeling 
and whose person is unknown. ‘They will gloat over the 
death-agonies of such a one, and in fiendish glee tell of 
the last mortal cry of the poor, dying victim ;* they will 
destroy the God-given gift of human life, and then mangle 
the cold, senseless corse ; and yet a whim, a freak of fancy, 
a momentary dislike for exertion, would have sufficed to 
make them refuse to join the enterprise. It was thus with 
Jimmy Kerrigan: it was not the aroused influence of a 


* Several of the murderers have declared in effect that the pleasure of 
a murder was almost gone if the victim did not, as they termed it, “‘ squeal.” 


‘ 


MEETING IN THE BUSH. 149 


hitherto-dormant conscience; it was no sudden pity for 
men condemned to a horrible death, whom he did not 
know and against whom he had no complaint; it was no 
good or virtuous feeling, nor even the semblance of a good 
impulse, that actuated him in his refusal to go that night: 
he had been at work that day, and he didn’t feel like it,— 
that was all. 

The Majors had warning ; they did not go to work when 
expected, and the arrangements for their murder for the 
time being fell through. It was not, however, given up. 
Mike Doolan came to Slattery and insisted upon borrowing 
his pistol, and Slattery loaned it; unwillingly, it is true, but 
loaned it,—knowing full well the hellish work designed. 

Their efforts, however, met with no success ; the Majors 
displayed such a degree of caution as to lead to the con- 
clusion that they had been warned, and suspicion fell on 
Slattery that the warning had come from him. 

Slattery was a school-director, and, it is but justice to 
him to state, active and earnest in the discharge of his 
duties. He is a man of considerable intelligence, and 
married to a good wife, the daughter of the Widow Kelly, 
for many years favorably known as the mistress of a hotel 
in New Philadelphia. 

The widow was a woman of influence. She controlled 
Blythe Township politics, but her reign was an honest one. 
She had her opinions and her prejudices, but she repudi- 
ated mercenary and corrupt action. Her life was pure, 
her influence over the many wild men with whom she came 
in contact was for good, and she reared her family well. 
Slattery in a great degree owes it to his wife that he has 
not fallen lower than he has. His connection with the 
** Mollies’’ was to her a never-ending source of sorrow ; 
but the toils were around him, and the terrorism that pre- 
vailed prevented any open revolt against the order on his 


part. 
ey 


150 MEETING IN THE BUSH. 


Samuel Major, an uncle of the murdered George Major, 
and of the two brothers intended to be assassinated, was a 
school-teacher at Tuscarora. After the trial of Dougherty, 
_the school board, under ‘‘ Molly’’ influence, turned vindic- 
tively on Major. Slattery sustained him, contending that 
he was a capable teacher ; but his efforts only had the effect 
of injuring himself by still further increasing the suspicion 
which was rife in the minds of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ against him. 

Samuel Major himself confirmed this suspicion by in- 
forming Kerrigan that he had been told by Slattery that 
the Irish were opposed to him. ‘This assertion confirmed 
Donahue and others in the idea that Slattery had informed 
the Majors, through their uncle, of their danger. 

A meeting of the order was called by Yellow Jack. 
Slattery was notified to attend. Jimmy Kerrigan was his 
aceuser; the charge being of his intimate relation with 
Samuel Major, as developed in the assertion made to him 
by Slattery relative to the feelings of the Irish people. 
The charge was sustained, and Slattery was expelled from 
the Tuscarora Division. An expulsion of this kind meant 
death,—death at the hand of the assassin, sudden and un- 
warned, as he well knew,—and, willing and anxious as both 
his wife and himself were that his connection with the- 
order should be severed, he did not dare to let this feeling 
appear. He appealed to the general convention of the 
order, and his case, together with others that came before 
that body on the following 25th of August, will be consid- 
ered in another place. 

Slattery’s life was now one of constant terror. It was 
true, although he strenuously denied it, that the Majors 
had received warning of their danger through him. He | 
had not spoken to Samuel Major himself, but had to his 
wife, giving words of warning which, quickly reported to 
the nephews, put them on their guard, and saved their lives. 
Conscious of the truth of the charges made against him, 


JOHN Ff. SLATTERY. I51 


and feeling that through his connection with the order he 
had done much wrong, and would still continue in wrong- 
doing, he was reduced almost to utter despair ; he knew not 
which way to turn. 

He learned from Charles Mulhearn, who, notwithstand- 
ing their quarrel, still had some feeling for him, that his 
life was in danger, that Michael Doolan and Yellow Jack 
intended to compass his assassination. He was afraid per- 
sonally even to close the shutters of his dwelling. He 
learned, through a man named Cafferty, of an intention to 
burn down all his property, and he knew not the moment 
when property and life might be the forfeit. His anxiety 
for reinstatement was therefore intense. 

John Slattery, by reason of his connection with this ter- 
rible organization, has done some very criminal things. 
Still, he is not naturally a bad man. For many years he 
won by a blameless life the respect of all who knew him. 
Once a member of this organization, his downfall was rapid. 
He yielded to temptation, became cognizant of fearful vio- 
lations of the law, and was the intimate associate of ruffians. 
His better nature urged him to break loose, but the im- 
mense power of the organization, its apparent immunity 
from punishment, the individual power he could by its 
means control, the danger of opposing it, all influenced 
him to drift along from evil thoughts to evil deeds, until 
the result was his ruin. 

His story is told briefly by himself i in a few sad words 
in a casual conversation. 

**T lived,’’ said he, ‘‘ twenty-eight years in Schuylkill 
County, respected by all who knew me. In all parts of 
that county are men, known as among our first citizens, who 
for that period will indorse my conduct; but’’ (and as he 
said it a tear rolled down his cheek) ‘‘I joined this order 
thinking it was good; its constitution and its by-laws, 
which they showed me, seemed to prove it. I found it 


152 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


diabolical, but for my life I dared not leave it, yet in it 
I lived in constant terror. I had acquired property, and 
the ‘ Mollies’ have it. J had a good character, and it is 
gone, and the strong walls of the jail only give me safety. 
If I ever get out, my wife, who is now my earnest adviser, 
will go with me to some spot where, old as we are, a new 
life can be entered into.’ 

John Slattery is an elderly man, with judgment matured, 
and yet he fell. The ‘‘ Molly’’ seeks recruits for the order 
among young and impressible boys, whom it makes assassins 
in cold blood before the age of twenty. 

The story of the murdered victim is a terrible one in 
all its surroundings,—the widowed wife, the children cast 
unprotected on the world, and a society spell-bound by fear. 
But it is not so sad a tale as that of the murdered souls 
and darkened lives of many young and innocent boys. 
Influenced by the older villain who tells of cruel deeds 
done as heroic acts, their judgment has been obscured, 
their enthusiasm aroused, and they have become soul and 
body the slaves of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, under 
its specious motto of ‘‘ Friendship, Unity, and True Chris- 
tian Charity.”’ 


COL ASP TE Rea 
THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


JAMES KERRIGAN, body-master of Tamaqua, is now 
about thirty-three years of age. He is of Irish parentage, 
born at a small settlement near Tuscarora. Motherless at 
the age of three months, and abandoned by his father, he 
grew to manhood without training, physical, mental, or 
moral. It would not be correct to say that he was badly 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 153 


treated in his childhood, for that would imply some de- 
gree of care and attention; he was utterly neglected. 
He never went to school a day in his life; is unable to 
read or write, and has been forced to shift for himself from 
earliest childhood. 

Kerrigan is scarcely five feet in height; is well built; 
has black hair and sharp black eyes. He is quick in move- 
ment and rapid in speech; has an excellent memory, good 
intellect, and fine perceptive faculties. He is careless, 
jovial, and ready at repartee. Whilst not repulsive in ap- 
pearance, he is not handsome; the little fellow is, never- 
theless, vain, and with opportunity would develop into a 
dapper little dandy. He grew up drunken and worthless, 
and has shown an amount of wickedness beyond all pro- 
portion to the size of his body. He is a married man with 
children. | 

During the war he was in the Union army. He is said 
to have been a good soldier, of unquestioned bravery. He 
received an honorable discharge, came home, fell into his 
old way, and became a member of the ‘* Molly Maguires.”’ 

During the year 1874 and part of 1875, Kerrigan was in 
the habit of frequent intercourse with a man named Thomas 
Duffy. This arose from no similarity in their general char- 
acter, but from the fact that both belonged to the organi- 
zation and both were fond of hard drinking. Duffy is the 
younger man of the two; is about twenty-five years of age ; 
is of medium height, strongly built, dark, heavy features,— 
looks like a Spaniard ; is reticent of speech, and revengeful. 
He was steady as a workman. Duffy was quarrelsome in 
his cups. Kerrigan was noisy, reckless, ready for any- 
thing. They had both more than once been arrested by 
the Tamaqua night police, and imprisoned in the lock-up. 

In the years 1874 and 1875 there were two night watchmen 
in. Tamaqua, one named Barney McCarron, an Irishman, 


and the other Benjamin F. Yost, of Pennsylvania German 
G* 


154 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


extraction. In making arrests, Kerrigan had several times 
been severely handled before he would submit, and on 
one occasion, during the fall of 1874, Yost beat Duffy 
severely on the head with his policeman’s club. | 

This excited in Duffy a feeling of intense and bitter 
hatred and a desire for revenge. He brought a prosecu- 
tion against Yost for assault and battery; this case was, 
however, amicably settled. But his hatred to Yost in- 
creased with time, and he determined to accomplish his 
death. ‘This he proposed to Kerrigan, who, nothing loath, 
agreed. Kerrigan would have agreed under any circum- 
stances, but in this matter he was specially willing; he 
had his own grievances to avenge. 

Kerrigan was at this time the nominal body-master of 
the Tamaqua Division, but the real head was James Car- 
roll, who kept the Union House, a sort of ‘‘ Molly’’ head- 
quarters. 

Carroll is a man between thirty and forty years of age; 
is about five feet seven inches in height, of slight build, 
dark hair and eyes; an attractive and rather handsome 
face. He does not look like a bad man, and until within 
three or four years past his general reputation was good. 
At this time, however, he was fully imbued with the spirit 
of Molly Maguireism and active in advancing their plans, 
whatever might be their nature. 

To Carroll, therefore, as the real head of the division, 
the proposition to murder Yost was submitted by both 
Kerrigan and Duffy. Carroll, although it does not appear 
that he had any. personal feeling in the matter, engaged 
heart and soul in the enterprise. This was during the 
month of June, 1875. 

After the matter had been determined on, Duffy hap- 
pened to meet Roarity, the body-nwaster of Coaldale Di- 
vision, at Carroll’s. He spoke to Roarity of the murder in 
contemplation, and offered to give him five dollars if he 


2 
& 
q 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 155 


would accomplish it. Roarity consented at once, saying 
that, if he did not do it himself, be would send over two 
men who would.* 

Coaldale is located in Schuylkill County, near the Car- 
bon County line, and but a short distance from the villages 
of Lansford, Ashton, Storm Hill, the three being parts of 
the same town, and Summit Hill, the latter the western 
terminus of the Switchback Railroad. ‘This section of 
country is, to a great extent, populated with employees of 
the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Company, and, as a con- 
sequence, the villages named have close social and business 
relations. 

The leading ‘‘ Molly’’ in this section of the country, al- 
though not at this time holding official position, was a man 
named Alexander Campbell, a liquor-dealer and saloon- 
keeper at Storm Hill. Campbell had been for years well 
acquainted in the neighborhood of his present residence, 
but had kept the Union House, Tamaqua, immediately 
before the same was taken by James Carroll. 

Roarity, after his interview with Duffy, mentioned that 
the Tamaqua Division had in contemplation the murder of 
Policeman Yost, and the request made that he should do 
the ‘‘job.’’ It so happened that at this time the ‘‘ Mollies”’ 
in the neighborhood of Storm Hill and Summit Hill had 
also determined upon a murder,—the intended victim being 
John P. Jones, a boss in the employ of the Lehigh and 
Wilkesbarre Coal Company, holding the position formerly 
filled by Morgan Powell, whose murder has been already 
described. ‘The idea of an exchange of ‘‘ Molly cour- 
tesies’’ at once suggested itself. 

This murder was in strict accordance with ‘‘ Molly’’ - 
ethics. Charles Parrish, Esq., president of the Lehigh and 
Wilkesbarre Coal Company, equally with Mr. Gowen, un- 


* This is Kerrigan's evidence. 


156 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


derstood the necessity, for the successful operation of his 
company, that the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization should be broken 
up. He understood fully the practical working and man- 
agement of mining operations and the evil consequences 
of ‘* Molly’’ control. 

At Summit Hill, two men named William Mulhall and 
Hugh McGeehan, known to belong to the organization, 
had rendered themselves obnoxious. They were placed on 
the ‘‘ black-list,’? no member of which was employed by 
the company. Unable to obtain-work, they blamed John 
P. Jones for having them ‘‘black-listed.’’ They made 
complaint, and their cause was advocated by Campbell, a 
man of determined will and more than ordinary ability. 

Campbell is tall and straight, of slight but sinewy per- 
son; has dark hair and eyes. He was money-making, am- 
bitious of power, and a controlling spirit. He understood 
perfectly the importance of ‘‘ Molly’’ ascendency to his 
business, and had it in view that the operations of the 
company located at that point. should, by bosses under 
his control, be run in the interest of his liquor-store. The 
murder of John P. Jones, who was an avowed enemy of the 
order, was therefore in accordance with his views. 

The agreement was made. Men were to be furnished 
from the neighborhood of Summit Hill to kill Policeman 
Yost in consideration of Carroll and Kerrigan sending men 
from Schuylkill County to dispose of John P. Jones. 
Mulhall and McGeehan, as parties specially interested, were 
selected on the part of Summit Hill. Yost was to be killed 
first. } 

The Fourth of July, 1875, fell on a Sunday. The 5th of 
July was therefore the national holiday. Roarity had 
come over to Tamaqua, and, about eleven o’clock in the 
morning, met Kerrigan at Carroll’s. They drank together 
several times, and the question of the proposed murder 
was discussed. It was agreed that it should be accom- 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 157 


plished that night; but Roarity insisted that Kerrigan 
should walk with him to Storm Hill, and they would then 
come back together. 

Jimmy objected to this arrangement, both on account 
of the heat and also for the reason that he had no money. 
Carroll insisted upon his going, and gave him two dollars 
to pay expenses. ‘The distance from Tamaqua to Storm 
Hill is about five miles. Upon arriving at that place, 
Roarity and Kerrigan went at once to Campbell’s. In- 
quiry was made for Mulhall and McGeehan, but Campbell 
said he had not seen them that day. 

Roarity hunted them up, and reported to Campbell and 
Kerrigan that they had agreed to go to Tamaqua that 
night for the purpose intended, and that he would guide 
them over. His pistol, he said, had already been sent to 
Carroll’s. Word had been received at Campbell’s that Mrs. 
Roarity was sick, and he now went home to see what was 
the matter. Kerrigan remained some little while engaged 
in conversation, and then went back to Tamaqua alone. 

The point for the assassination of Yost had been already 
selected by Carroll, Duffy, and Kerrigan during a Sunday 
afternoon walk. It was at a lamp-post at the upper end of 
the town, opposite Yost’s house, and the last one usually 
extinguished by him, and when extinguished, that portion 
of the town was in darkness. 

It was arranged that all parties should meet at Carroll’s 
early in the evening. Duffy, who was an engineer, had 
been at work that day up to three o’clock, pumping water 
at the mines where he was employed, about two and a half 
miles to the west of Tamaqua. After that time he dressed 
himself and started for Tamaqua, stopping on his way with 
two picnic-parties. He arrived at Carroll’s in the evening, 
and walked directly back into the kitchen. Carroll, Ker- 
rigan, McGeehan, and James Boyle soon came in and 
joined them. 

14 


158 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


Roarity had been kept away by the sickness of his wife. 
Shortly after Kerrigan had left Storm Hill, Campbell and 
McGeehan, in talking over the matter, came to the conclu- 
sion that, as Mulhall was a married man witha family, he had 
better be left at home, and James Boyle, who was convenient, 
was asked to go in his stead, and had consented to do so. 

Here was again illustrated the general policy of getting 
young men to do the actual work. McGeehan himself 
presents one of the most singular results of the Molly 
Maguire organization. He is uneducated, but is generally 
correct in his habits, does not use a profane word, and has 
never touched a drop of liquor in his life. He is only 
about twenty-two years old. Nevertheless, whilst he has 
not the look of a criminal, he has given no indication to 
lead to the idea that he is other than the testimony paints 
him to be,—cold, hard, ruthless, and relentless. 

Boyle is also a young man, was of dissipated habits, has 
rather an amiable look, is irresolute, impressible, and con- 
trolled more by association than by any natural inclination, 
good or bad. 

During the greater part of the evening the conspirators 
occupied the kitchen, although at intervals they all showed 
themselves in the bar-room, and Kerrigan in different parts 
of the town. The others only went out once before they 
left. In order to explain fully the plan in view, Duffy 
walked with McGeehan and Boyle up the street and past 
the lamp-post. ‘They then returned to the hotel. 

A difficulty arose from the want of pistols. Neither 
McGeehan nor Boyle had brought one. The only effective 
weapon on hand was the Roarity pistol. Carroll sent Ker- 


rigan to several places to borrow another, but he met with’ - 


no success.: It was finally determined that McGeehan 
should use the Roarity pistol, whilst Boyle would have to 
content himself with a small single-barreled pistol belong- 
ing to Carroll. 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 159. 


Kerrigan during the evening met both policemen, and 
took a drink with McCarron. He discovered that .they 
did not separate. Both he and Carroll were, or pretended 
to be, alarmed at this fact. Carroll argued that, as both 
policemen were together, the undertaking was dangerous, 
and had better be postponed. Kerrigan, on his part, as- 
serted that it was well known that he had had difficulties 
and quarrels with McCarron, and there was great danger 
that he would be suspected. 

Young McGeehan, however, would not entertain any 
proposition as to the postponement of the work on hand. 
He said that it was the second or third time that he had 
come over to do a job of this kind, and he would not be 
put off; it must be done then or never. Boyle was indif- 
ferent, and ready to take whatever action might be agreed 
upon. 

It was discovered, how and when does not appear, that 
the lights were to be turned off first in the eastern part of 
the town, in McCarron’s district. By this arrangement 
the gas-light in front of Yost’s house would be the last 
extinguished. 

It was decided that Kerrigan should go home, in order 
that he might arrange to get in afterwards without trouble. 
Duffy was to lead McGeehan and Boyle up the back streets 
to the cemetery, there to leave them and return to Car- 
roll’s, where, in the event of his being suspected, he was 
to prove that he had remained during the night. This 
plan was carried out. Kerrigan went home, came out, 
leaving the door unlocked, and returned to the cemetery, 
bringing with him a bottle of whisky. There he found 
McGeehan and Boyle awaiting him. 

Kerrigan now led the two to the street-lamp, and placed 
them under shade-trees near by. For over an hour the 
lurking miscreants lay in wait before the two policemen 
made their appearance. 


160 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


If there was ever a bloody and cold-blooded murder con- 
templated, this was one. Not only was it predetermined 
and deliberate, but in the stillness of the midnight hour 
additional time was given in which, with their minds fully 
bent on the object in view, the ghastly nature of the crime 
might be presented in all its naked enormity. 

But no thought of pity touched the heart of any of the 
three; no idea of relenting; no sudden remorse of con- 
science ; and yet there was no deadly hatred in the heart 
of either of the three against the intended victim. As 
the huntsman follows the fox or the woodsman the deer, 
so were they in the pursuit of unresisting game; their excite- 
ment was more intense, their joy more exultant; the game 
they had in view was human life. 

All three were worthy children of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire ;”’ 
all three were bent upon acommon object, and yet between 
the three were marked distinctions. Kerrigan, wild, bold, 
careless, reckless, feasted on crime as he did on liquor; 
he loved the wild and mad excitement; so far as revenge 
was concerned, a curse would have sufficed him. Boyle, 
with little purpose or ambition, did as he was bidden, 
without one ray of conscience or thought of care except for 
the whisky in Kerrigan’s bottle. 

But McGeehan was young and ambitious; he felt the 
responsibility that was upon him; he knew what was ex- 
pected of him. He did not hate Yost, but he was im- 
pressed with the heroic aspect of the matter; he earnestly 
desired to be considered ‘‘a good hand for a clean job.”’ 

Yost and McCarron came up-street, but, instead of put- 
ting out the light at once, as had been expected, they first 
went into Yost’s house for something to eat. The sight 
of the prey maddened Kerrigan; he insisted upon having 
a hand in the play himself; as he had no pistol, he would 
take two rocks, and when Yost fell he would beat his brains 
out. 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 161 


But McGeehan meant work and not idle talk. He told 
Kerrigan that he should take no stones; that he (McGee- 
han) intended to do the job; that he had five*charges in 
his pistol, and that if either Kerrigan or Boyle moved an 
inch whilst the murder was being committed their lives 
would be the forfeit. 

At last the two policemen came out of the house, and 
Yost proceeded to the lamp-post and mounted the ladder, 
McCarron remaining some distance off across the street. At 
this moment McGeehan and Boyle stepped forward and dis- 
charged their pistols. Boyle missed his mark, but the ball from 
McGeehan’s pistol inflicted a fatal wound in the right side. 

Yost staggered from the ladder, exclaiming, ‘‘Oh! my 
God! Iam shot! my wife!”’ 

The murderers, under the lead of Kerrigan, fled. Mc- 
Carron ran after them, firing two shots, which McGeehan 
returned. They kept on the main street, which led them 
out of the western part of the town, then, leaving the road, 
they crossed over to the Sharp Mountain. They then re- 
versed their direction. Kerrigan took them through unfre- 
quented paths, then again turning into the town they 
passed through alleys and back streets to the eastern limits 
of the borough. 

The hour was late and the lights extinguished, and thus 
far they had met no one. Kerrigan continued with them 
until they were certain of their road, and then returned to 
his own home unnoticed. Kerrigan tore his black panta- 
loons. This seems to have made as much impression on 
his mind as the murder. | 

Boyle and McGeehan met but one person, a young Irish- 
man named Robert Breslin, at one time a member of the 
order. ‘This was not deemed of special importance. The 
deed was regarded as a ‘‘ good job well done,’’ hidden 
from view, ranking with the many murders and outrages 
of the past, undetected and unavenged. 

‘ 14* 


162 THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 


But the meeting with Breslin had a significance little 
dreamed of then. It completely overthrew the ‘alibi’ 
which in course of time was attempted to be set up. 

Robert Breslin, a young Irishman, was in the employ of 
the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Company. He resided 
with his father in the Bloomingdale Valley, about a mile 
southwest of Summit Hill. He had been at a picnic at 
the last-named place the day and night of the 5th of July. 
He remained at the party until late, and, thinking it not 
worth while to go to bed, he threw himself upon a porch 
and slept until daylight. He then started for home, and 
met on the way McGeehan and Boyle. This was shortly 
after four o’clock. Breslin was surprised to meet them, 
and said,— 

‘¢ Where the devil are you coming from this time in the 
morning ?”’ 

One of them replied, ‘‘We are coming from Mauch 
Chunk ; we were there last night at a ball.’’ 

Breslin remarked, ‘‘ You have had a hard tramp.”’ 

“« Yes,’’ was the reply, ‘‘ we have lost our way.’’ (This 
was to account for the fact that they were on the road 
leading to Tamaqua.) ‘‘Is there any water about here ?’’ 

‘*No,’’ said Breslin; ‘‘ but if you come back to the house 
I will give you some.”’ 

Boyle refused, saying, ‘‘ We have not time: we must go 
to work.”’ 

Breslin was not fully trusted ; he had been a member of 
the order, but had left it; was a good workman, and held 
- in esteem by his employers. It was thought that in any 
event, on account of his own safety, he would keep quiet. 

Mrs. Yost was sitting at the window of her room at the 
time her husband was shot. She was an eye-witness of the 
tragedy, had a glimpse of the murderers, and heard their 
retreating footsteps. Almost frantic, she rushed down- 
stairs to meet her husband mortally wounded on the pave- 


THE MURDER OF POLICEMAN YOST. 163 


ment. In agony, he exclaimed, ‘‘I am shot, and I must 
die!’’ He requested that the doctor should be sent for. 
The bitterness of death was upon him, and he steadied 
himself upon the clinging form of his young wife, and 
said, ‘‘Sis, give me a kiss.’’ He then repeated that he 
must die. 

The wife exclaimed, ‘‘Oh, Frank, do you know who 
shot you?” 

‘¢No,’’ was the answer; ‘‘ but there were two Irishmen, 
and one was smaller than the other.’’ McCarron stepped 
forward, but could give the desperate wife no answer as to 
who were the murderers of her husband. 

The shots had aroused the neighborhood, and in a few 
minutes a number of persons had collected in the house. 
Dr. Solliday arrived, examined the wound, and was forced 
to confirm Yost in his avowed belief that he was mortally 
wounded. Death did not, however, occur until ten o’clock 
in the morning. » In the mean time he conversed with Dr. 
Solliday, with Squire Lebo, Conrad F. Shindel, and with 
Daniel F. Shepp, a brother-in-law of Mrs. Yost. 

He repeated that he did not know the men, but that they 
were Irishmen, and that one was smaller than the other ; 
that he had seen them at Carroll’s as he passed there that 
night with McCarron; that Barney was the man they had 
intended to shoot; that he had been afraid of them, and 
had asked him to go with him when he put out the lights, 
and that Barney had in turn accompanied him, and the 
mistake had thus occurred. 

The character of Duffy and Kerrigan, and their diffi- 
culties with the police-officers, were well known, and they 
were in consequence at once suspected. Yost was repeat- 
edly asked if these two men were not the murderers, but 
he said, ** No!’’ But he again said that he and Barney had 
seen them the night before at Carroll’s, and in the presence 
of Dr. Solliday asked McCarron who the men were, and 


164 MCPARLAN AT WORK. 


to this McCarron answered, ‘‘Oh, they were men from 
the other side,’’ meaning from the direction of Summit 
Hill. 

Yost died. An inquest was held. It was apparently 
without result. It appeared from McCarron’s testimony 
that he did not know the strangers who were at Carroll’s 
that night. Months passed by; no arrests for this murder 
were made; and the public was gradually settling into the 
belief that it was but another tale of murder open and 
defiant, but impossible of detection. 


a HA PIL HAR a xeVele 
McPARLAN AT WORK—THE MURDER OF GOMER JAMES. | 


THERE were many circumstances which tended to call 
public attention to the murder of Benjamin F. Yost. He 
was at the time of his death about thirty-three years of age, 
enjoyed a good character, was kindly in nature, popular in 
manners, and had served his country during the war in 
the Forty-eighth Regiment Pennsylvania Volunteers. His - 
family was an extensive one, old residents of that part of 
Schuylkill County lying outside of the coal region. His 
widow is a young and attractive woman; her countenance 
displays refinement and amiability. She is a daughter of 
Joshua Boyer, an old and respected citizen, for several 
terms a member of the State Legislature from Schuylkill 
County. 

The murder had been an exceedingly daring one, com- 
mitted on the main street of a town regarded .as almost 
exempt from ‘‘ Molly’’ influence and as entirely exempt 
from ‘‘ Molly’’ control. As a consequence, intense excite- 
ment prevailed. In the large towns of the Mahanoy region 


MCPARLAN AT WORK. 165 


on the one side, and in Carbon County, around Summit 
and Storm Hill, on the other, the frequent occurrence of 
outrages had to a certain extent rendered them familiar. 
A murder of this nature, however, in Tamaqua, where the 
proportion of the mining population was comparatively 
small, inspired horror and surprise at the evident power 
of the suspected organization ; but at the same time a de- 
termined spirit of resistance, and intense and bitter desire 
to bring the guilty parties to justice. 

The borough authorities were active, and determined, if 
possible, to discover the murderers. Nothing of very great 
importance had been elicited at the inquest. The testi- 
mony of Mrs. Carroll, that Duffy was at the hotel during the 
night, and the dying declarations of Yost, that neither Duffy 
nor Kerrigan committed the act, apparently exonerated 
them. Nevertheless, Michael Beard, Daniel Shepp, and 
some others, could not rid themselves of suspicion. Yost 
had not, to their knowledge, except these men, an enemy 
in the world, and a murder entirely motiveless wag beyond 
their comprehension. It was determined by Daniel Shepp 
and Michael Beard to employ the Pinkerton Agency, if 
necessary at their own expense; and Benjamin Franklin, 
the Philadelphia superintendent, was applied to. He took 
the matter in hand, but he did not disclose to them the 
details of his operations, he made no unnecessary confidants. . 

He readily arranged with the Philadelphia and Reading 
Coal and Iron Company relative to the use of the coal- 
region detectives in this matter, and McParlan received 
instructions on the 14th of July, 1875, to investigate and 
report. McKenna, on the 15th, made his appearance on 
the scene of action, and, as might be expected, conducted 
his investigations with great prudence and sagacity. He 
knew the Union House to be the Molly headquarters, and, 
going there at once, for the first time formed the acquaint- 
ance of James Carroll. 


166 MCPARLAN AT WORK. 


Carroll had heard of McKenna as one of the leading 
*¢ Mollies’’ of the Mahanoy Valley, and treated him cor- 
dially. McKenna referred to the murder of Yost, but 
Carroll pretended to know but little about it; he said he 
had heard of the murder, and that Mrs. Carroll had been 
a witness at the coroner’s inquest to prove that Duffy had 
remained at their house on the night of the murder. 

McKenna understood perfectly that to betray the least 
curiosity would arouse suspicion; he therefore asked but 
feW questions at the time. He determined, however, to 
cultivate an_ intimacy with Carroll, beliéving that, sooner 
or later, he should gain the object he had in view. From 
what he had learned, and from what he understood of the 
method of proceeding by the organization in like cases, he 
was satisfied that the murderers had come from either Car- 
bon County or thé Mahanoy Valley, and that Carroll would 
know all about it. 

That they did not come from the valley he believed, for 
’ the reason that, in such case, he would himself have been 
likely to hear of it. His first impression was that the proper 
person to reach was the County Delegate of Carbon. He 
therefore went that afternoon to Storm Hill, where he called 
on Alec Campbell, a leading member at that place, with 
whom he had previous acquaintance, and who he thought 
might know something of the transaction. He made pre- 
tended business an excuse for visiting the County Delegate. 
Campbell volunteered to walk with him to Summit Hill to 
see Thomas P. Fisher, who then occupied the position, and 
with whom McKenna also had previous acquaintance. 

On the way McKenna introduced the subject of the 
Yost murder, assuming, as a matter of course, that it had 
been perpetrated by parties from that section. This Camp- 
bell admitted, said it was ‘‘a clean job,’’ but that they 
would never have taken it in hand except on a trade. 
McKenna had now discovered what he before suspected, 


MCPARLAN AT WORK. 167 


that he was in communication with one of the parties un- 
derstanding the whole transaction. Not venturing to make 
direct inquiries, he remained with Fisher that night, but 
learned nothing further. He returned the next day to 
Campbell’s, at Storm Hill. Exercising caution, he only 
strove to increase his intimacy without asking any further 
questions. On his part he was apparently open, talked 
freely of the terrible deeds which he pretended to have com- 
mitted himself, and strove to create the impression that there 
was nothing he was not willing to attempt. McKenna at 
all times had been anxious to maintain the character of a 
desperado without doing any desperate act; he would strike 
a man with his fist on small provocation, and ata moment’s 
notice, if by so doing he could make a point. He had 
in this way acquired a reputation for courage which com- 
manded respect and induced confidence. His apparent 
recklessness and dashing, jovial manners excited admira- 
tion and rendered him popular. He remained at Camp- 
bell’s, visiting around the neighborhood, until Sunday, the 
25th. He had on the 17th opened the matter cautiously 
to Mike McKenna, son of Pat McKenna, a saloon-keeper 
and body-master. Mike had not been concerned in the 
transaction himself, but knew the names of the parties con- 
cerned. He gave McKenna his information relative to 
the matter, which was in the main correct. On the 18th, 
Hugh McGeehan was introduced by Campbell in a com- 
plimentary way as one of the Yost murderers. During the 
next few days he obtained no further information. . 

On the 25th he returned to Tamaqua, determined to con- 
tinue his investigations there. On the afternoon of that 
day he called at Carroll’s, and found him in a more con- 
fidential mood than on the occasion of his first visit. He 
stated the difficulty in relation to the pistols, and that a 
large one of Roarity’s was used and a small one of his 
own ; that Duffy, Kerrigan, Roarity, and himself knew all 


a 
168 MCPARLAN AT WORK. 


about the murder. He did not, however, give the names 
of those who actually committed the crime. McKenna 
was stopping at the Columbia House, but now concluded 
to make Carroll’s his loafing-place. 

On the 27th, a man named Pat McNellis came into 
Carroll’s and asked where he could see James Kerrigan, 
stating that he had been sent over by Alec Campbell. 
He was told where Kerrigan lived, and it was suggested 
that he could find him at home during the evening. That 
evening McKenna made a friendly call on Kerrigan. 
McNellis paid his visit at the time suggested. Whilst the 
full details of the interview were not discovered at this 
time, Kerrigan giving only partial confidence, the fact of 
the intended assassination of John P. Jones, boss of the 
mining operations of the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal 
Company at Summit Hill, was discovered; also that Ker- 
rigan had the matter in charge, and that it was postponed 
for the time being. On this occasion Kerrigan sent the 
Roarity pistol, which he had borrowed a few days pre- 
viously, by McNellis to its owner. 

The position of affairs was now becoming critical. Not 
only did the duty devolve upon the detective to investigate 
the murder of Yost, but he had also to prevent, if possible, 
the contemplated assassination of John P. Jones. 

To cultivate intimacy with both Carroll and Kerrigan 
was necessary. In the matter of Carroll this was easy; his 
hotel was his natural loafing-place. For oft-repeated visits, 
at short intervals, to Kerrigan’s house an excuse was requi- 
site. It presented itself to McKenna in a most agreeable 
form. Kerrigan was a married man, and his wife had a 
“sister, Miss Mary Ann Hegins, who lived near by and 
visited him frequently. 


Miss Hegins was a young and good-looking Irish girl, 


and her conquest of the too susceptible McKenna was on 
the instant. He was her most devoted admirer and con- 


a 


MCPARLAN AT WORK. 169 


stant visitor. He made no concealment of the fact that 
his heart was irreparably lost, and that Mary Ann was the 
fair enslaver. 

This sudden passion on McKenna’s part not only gave 
him jntimate relations with Kerrigan, but also furnished a 
valid reason for his protracted stay in Tamaqua. 

On the afternoon of the 4th of August, Alec Campbell 
stopped at Carroll’s. McKenna was very particular in his 
inquiries after McGeehan, whom he pretended to admire 
on account of the ‘‘ clean job’’ he had done. 

Campbell said he and Mulhall were at work in Tuscarora, 
but that McGeehan had done so good a thing in killing 
Yost that he intended to start him in a saloon, and he asked 
McKenna if he would not come over to the opening. 

He went on to say that Kerrigan was to have come over 
on the 29th to kill John P. Jones, but that he was so small 
he would be conspicuous, and he had therefore sent him 
word by McNellis not to come over at that time. Besides 
that, he wanted McGeehan to get first settled in his saloon. 

When he and Mulhall got settled steadily at work he 
wanted men from Schuylkill County to come over to kill 
John P. Jones, in consideration of their baWae sent men 
over to kill Yost. 

After Campbell had left, McKenna said to Carroll, 
** You see I knew all about the Yost matter.’’ Carroll an- 
swered, ‘I knew you did, but it was not my place to tell 
you.’’ He then gave a detailed description of the affair, 
explaining why it was that Boyle had come over in place 
of Mulhall. He thought it a ‘‘clean job,’’ and it would 
never be found out. Kerrigan came into Carroll’s about 
seven o’clock in the evening, when McKenna spoke of 
Campbell’s intending to send word to Carroll of the time 
of McGeehan’s opening, and that both he and Kerrigan 
must go over. ‘The two commenced a conversation about 


the Yost murder. From Carroll’s they took a walk to the 
H 15 


170 MCPARLAN AT WORK. 


# Catholic cemetery, where Kerrigan gave a detailed descrip- 
tion of the commission of the crime, and also talked of the 
contemplated murder of John P. Jones. 

McParlan had now the confessions of three of the prin- 
cipals in the Yost murder, and a knowledge of the contem- 
plated assassination of Jones. It was thought best, espe- 
cially for the purpose of arranging for the safety of Jones, 
that there should be a personal interview between Superin- 
tendent Franklin, Captain Linden, and himself. This was 
fixed to take place on the gth of August, at Onoko Glen, 
two miles to the north of Mauch Chunk. 

As a result of the interview with Superintendent Frank- 
lin and Captain Linden, John P. Jones was made aware 
through the Tamaqua authorities of his danger, and was, 
during the succeeding nights, in the constant company of 
Coal and Iron Policemen. 

Mr. Franklin returned to Philadelphia, and Captain 
Linden and McKenna stopped at Mauch Chunk. Whilst 
together they saw Campbell and. McGeehan on the other 
side of the street. Campbell hailed McKenna and asked 
him to take a drink. McKenna immediately dropped 
Linden and joined him, and on being asked why he did 
not bring his friend along, denied the acquaintance, saying 
that he was a fellow full of beer who had asked him the 
way to the Mansion House. 

The parties had been successful in arranging for McGee- 
han’s license, and it was settled that the opening should 
take place on the 13th or r4th. Campbell was very enthu- 
siastic on the subject of McGeehan’s execution of the Yost 
murder. He said that he was the best man in Carbon 
County; the job was a clean one. Boyle had been along, 
but McGeehan had done the work, and he deserved to be 
set up in business for the manner in which he had per- 
formed it. McGeehan received the compliments with the 
gratified yet modest air of a virtuous and noble youth re- 


Bilal apts ip 


MCPARLAN AT WORK. 171 


ceiving just praise from a respected superior for heroic and 
magnanimous conduct. 

McKenna returned with his ‘‘ Molly’’ friends over the 
Switchback Railroad. Captain Linden was again encoun- 
tered in the cars. McKenna talked loud, and called both 
Campbell and McGeehan by name, in order that Linden 
would be able to recognize them. 

It was the object of McKenna now to receive the con- 
fessions of all the Yost murderers, if possible. His method 
of approaching McGeehan and Roarity was ingenious. 
He knew that the ball which occasioned Yost’s death was 
from a No. 32 cartridge. He went over from Tamaqua to 
Campbell’s on the 13th of August, to attend the McGee- 
han opening, but found that it was postponed for one day. 

On the 14th, at McGeehan’s saloon, he called him aside 
and asked him if he had any No. 32 cartridges; that he 
had a pistol carrying that sized ball which he had stolen 
from a man in Tamaqua, and that he was afraid to purchase 
the balls at any store for fear of being suspected as the 
thief. 

McGeehan fell into the trap at once; he said he had no 
pistol carrying such a ball, but Roarity had,—in fact, IT 
was the pistol with which he had killed Yost ; that Roarity 
for this reason was himself cautious in regard to cartridges, 
and he was not positive whether he would have any. The 
conversation being on that subject, McGeehan, encouraged 
by McKenna, narrated with particularity and at length the 
manner in which the murder had been accomplished, ~ 

On the rsth, McKenna broached the subject‘of the pistol 
to Roarity, referring to his conversation with McGeehan. _ 
Roarity said he did not know whether he had any cartridges ~ 
left; that his was the pistol with which Yost was shot, and 
that he had been afraid to buy any since that time. He 
conversed freely with McKenna on the subject. 

McKenna had obtained up to this time the confessions 


4 ie 


Se ws 


142 THE MURDER OF GOMER FAMES. 


of Campbell, Kerrigan, Carroll, McGeehan, and Roarity, 
and there remained only two, Duffy and Boyle, who had 
not confessed their guilt to him. 

Before McKenna could develop any plan by which they 
could be reached, the Mahanoy regions claimed his imme- 
diate attention. It was now fully a month that he had 
been absent investigating the Tamaqua matters, and his 
success had certainly been wonderful. 

On the 16th, however, he received news which hurried 
him home. A large picnic had been held on the 14th of 
August, near Shenandoah. The ‘‘ Mollies’’ were there in 
force, although it was not by any means a ‘‘ Molly’’ picnic, 
there being present persons of all nationalities resident. 
in the town. During the evening there were a great 
many drunken men, and considerable disorder prevailed. 
Towards midnight, the great majority of those present 
were Mollies or young Irish boys. Gomer James, a young 
Welshman, watchman at a small coal-drift near Shenan- 
doah, was still on the ground, and was waiting behind 
the bar. At about one o’clock at night, Thomas Hurley 
walked up to him, drew a pistol, and in presence of the 
assembled crowd shot him, inflicting a wound from which 
he died in a few moments. ‘The murder was bold, open, 
and in the presence of many witnesses. In the neighbor- 
hood of two hundred people were there at the time. There | 
was not only no attempt at concealment, but Hurley openly 
boasted of his crime. 

The assassination of James had been determined upon 
for some months. He had offended young Tom Hurley 
(before described as connected with the attempted assas- 
sination of Bully Bill), and his death had been resolved 
upon and a time fixed. This had, however, been within | 
the knowledge of McKenna, and from information given 
by the Detective Agency, and precautions in consequence 
taken, he had been for the time being kept out of danger. 


THE MURDER OF GOMER FAMES. 173 


As soon as McKenna heard of the murder he started for 
Shenandoah, stopping on the way at Mahanoy City, where he 
had heard a man also had been shot. He arrived at Shenan- 
doah about nine o’clock in the evening, and there he met a 
number of his friends. They went up to Monaghan’s saloon, 
John Morris,* Ed Monaghan,} McAndrew, Ed Sweeney, 
Muff Lawler, and others were present. He was soon in 
possession of the facts of the case, told by Hurley and dis- 
cussed by the others. Hurley was the hero of the evening, 
and received universal applause. It was generally conceded 
that for so brave and gallant an act he was entitled to re- 
ward. Muff Lawler suggested that as McKenna had plenty 
of time he should go to Girardville and see John Kehoe, the 
County Delegate, and ascertain if a good reward would not 
be paid by the organization. Hurley and Morris also urged 
McKenna to do this. He, pretending to be as enthusiastic 
as the others, consented, and on the following day (the 17th 
of August) went to Girardville to see Kehoe. Whilst he 
was carrying out the instructions he had received to that 
extent, he was determined, if possible, to let the subject 
be introduced by Kehoe. 

McKenna started the conversation by saying the Satur- 
day night had been very rough up the valley. Kehoe as- 
sented, and then immediately commenced talking about 
the murder of Gomer James. He was enthusiastic; the 
job had been a clean one; Hurley was entitled to a large 


reward ; for an act of that kind he ought to have three ». 


hundred dollars or five hundred dollars, He said he, Big NDS 
not wish to take the responsibility of ordering so large an . 


amount himself from county funds, but he would call a 
convention at Tamaqua on the 25th of the month, and 
there present the matter and have the SEDER of the or- 
ganization to a large reward. 


* Connected with the attempted assassination of Wm. M, Thomas. 
+ Constable of Shenandoah. 


“% 


15* 


aN 


ty 


~ 


174 THE MURDER OF GOMER FAMES. 


McKenna of course assented to the justice of .Kehoe’s 
position, and, returning to Shenandoah, reported to Hur- 


ley, who at once said he would attend the convention at. 


Tamaqua on the 25th. 

The terrorism which the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ had in- 
spired, and their belief in their immunity from punish- 
ment, are in no act better illustrated than in the murder of 
Gomer James. The deed was perpetrated late at night, it 
is true, but in the presence of a very large number of wit- 
nesses, many of whom were boys and others not members 
of the society. Hurley, during the night, had openly 
boasted of his crime, and never dreamed at that time of 
being a fugitive from justice. On the contrary, he was a 
hero and an object of admiration. 

It was felt that the whole organization could with perfect 
safety be trusted with what might scarcely be called a 
“secret, and that his conduct would be regarded with uni- 
versal and unqualified approval. ‘The question of reward 
was to be submitted to the leaders of the order. ‘Their 
belief.as to Hurley’s safety was apparently well founded. 
No witness of the bloody deed at that time dared report to 
the authorities. Vainglorious and triumphant, he boasted 
of his crime. He assumed airs of superiority, vaunted his 
own courage, and was critical as to the past and present 
capacity, as ‘‘ good hands for a clean job,’’ of other mem- 
bers of the order. 

It is not credible that the very many persons who, either 
as eye-witnesses or through the open confessions of Hurley, 
knew him to be the murderer of Gomer James approved 
of the act. But the terrorism existing, the fear of personal 
danger, sealed their lips. It was not until months after, 
when unlooked-for dangers to the order arose, that Hurley, 
terror-stricken, fled from the coal regions and the country. 


eS ee ee 


FACK KEHOE, 175 


CHAPTER axa 


JACK KEHOE—MURDER OF GWITHER—ATTEMPTED MURDER OF 
RILES. 


Tus openness and frequency of crime were to a great 
degree owing to the counsel and influence of John Kehoe, 
County Delegate. Kehoe had been for sixteen or seven- 
teen years a member of the order, either under the name 
of ** Buckshot’’ or ‘* Molly Maguire,’’ and regarded with 
pride its fast-growing influence under the name of the 
*¢ Ancient Order of Hibernians.”’ 

He is a large, rather handsome man, with a cold gray 
eye, but there is nothing in his appearance to indicate the 
incarnate fiend which recent developments have shown him 
to be.. He is a man of great determination of character, 
of an intense selfishness, that permits neither-friend nor foe, 
kindred, family, religion or country, native or adopted, to 
stand in the way of his wishes or his safety. __ 

His disregard of human life is simply appalling and in- 
conceivable. 

The writer of fiction who should sketch such a character 
would be regarded as unnatural and ‘sensational’ beyond 
excuse. Yet that there are many in the order fully as 
wicked and insensible as he to all ties, human and divine, 
there is just reason to believe. 

He isa man of plausible address. In his intercourse 
with those outside the order, he argued with great earnest- 
ness and seeming sincerity that it was a benevolent asso- 
ciation, regularly incorporated, and that its objectsywere 
not only lawful, but in the highest degree in accor e 


176 ¥ACK KEHOE. 


with Christian morals. He spoke of the crimes of the 
‘* Molly Maguires’’ with deep regret, and resented with 
great show of indignation any charge or even innuendo 
that there was the slightest connection between that dread 
power and the society of which he was County Delegate. 

As has been before asserted, high crime is generally 
committed under the influence of sudden passion, of jeal- 
ousy, or of revenge; under pressure of poverty or insti- 
gated by avarice. Either of these motives would justify, 
according to ‘*‘ Molly’’ ethics, a murder, and one or the 
other sometimes entered into it, but none of them were 
requisite. A simple request, without a statement of the 
reason or even the name of the intended victim, was suf- 
ficient. Kehoe took great pride in the terrorism inspired 
by the order, and the mystery with which, to the outside 
world, its action was enveloped. It gave him with his fel- 
lows a power and position in which he delighted. His 
uniform advice for open and desperate measures increased 
not only his popularity but the admiration with which he 
was regarded by his rough associates. He advised bold 
crimes not only by reason of the natural cruelty of his 
character, but also in the hope that in this way he could 
firmly establish his position as against Barney Dolan, from 
whom, in a sharp contest, he had wrested the position of 
County Delegate. 

Dolan is sharp, shrewd, and an antagonist by no means 
to be despised. He had been very popular, but used his. 
office to increase the political power of the order, and by 
that means his own, and to attract custom to his drinking- 
saloon. 

Kehoe, acting on the assumption that Dolan had been 
cowardly and weak in his direction of the order, endeav- 
ored to contrast with such former policy his own boldness 
and daring. Kehoe entirely under-estimated the force of 
the opposing elements to the organization. He had no- 


FACK KEHOE, 177 


idea of the strength of moral power. For this, however, 
he has some excuse. He had known of crimes committed 
for years throughout the anthracite coal regions and the 
criminals escaping punishment ; he had known of commu- 
nities roused almost to madness for the moment on the 
perpetration of some startling outrage, and then, the first 
excitement past, it would be apparently forgotten. 

He had seen townships misgoverned and fraud triumph- 
ant, and people submit as to an inevitable evil. He had © 
seen members of his order in the State Legislature and 
high in county offices. He had himself been courted and 
caressed for political favors, and the politician, Republican 
and Democrat, was specially careful of his feelings in utter- 
ing no word against the ‘‘ Molly Maguire.”’ 

Association with criminals was avowed ; earnest sym- 
pathy for criminals was expressed; favors for criminals 
were asked; and yet, in the heat of the contest, the politi- 
cian pandered to their vices and acceded to their lawless 
demands. 

Jack Kehoe, with many others, discarded the authority 
and teachings of the church in which he was reared; and 
yet that authority he had been taught from his cradle to 
reverence, its teachings were pure and good. MHaving no 
faith themselves, can it be wondered at that with their past 
experience with others neither he nor his desperate asso- 
ciates could dream of the slumbering volcano over which 
they rested in apparent security, nor of the force of a 
moral sentiment, rising high above party ties and petty 
ambitions, that would crush them as between the upper 
and the nether millstone? No! Jack Kehoe in his inter- 
course with men had seen no evidence of moral sentiment, 
but he had firm reliance‘in his political influence. He be- 
lieved that with any plausible defense to crime any member 
of the order was safe. } 

His bold policy and his counsels were, however, occa- 

H* 


178 MURDER OF GWITHER. 


sioning crimes with such a degree of rapidity that terrible 
retribution must soon have been the consequence. 

The idea of murder was now familiarized to an extent 
never before dreamed of even in this organization. 

A number of murders were contemplated in the imme- 
diate future, some of which, fortunately, have been pre- 
vented. 

During the evening of Saturday, the 14th of August, 
1875, the same night that Gomer James was shot, a per- 
Sonal difficulty occurred in Girardville between a man 
named William Love and Esquire Thomas Gwither, in the 
office of the latter. 

It appears that Esquire Gwither, in pursuance of the 
duties of his office, had issued a warrant against Love. 
Love, outraged at what he chose to consider a violation 
of his rights as a citizen, called at Esquire Gwither’s office 
about ten o’clock that evening and became abusive. ‘The 
Esquire ordered him out of his office, and, upon Love’s 
refusing to go, put him out by force. Love became furi- 
ous, and left for his home near by, uttering threats of 
vengeance. 7 
_ Gwither, it is supposed, was going to his own house for 
means of protection. Whilst still in the street, Love came 
rushing out, armed with a gun, followed by his mother, 
who, much alarmed, was endeavoring to control him. The 
excitement attracted a crowd of people. 

When within a short distance, Love fired the contents 
of his gun, loaded with shot, into the breast, arms, and 
abdomen of Gwither, inflicting about sixty wounds. Death 
was almost instantaneous. 


The murderer then rushed down the street past his house 


and escaped. He is still a fugitive. It would have been 
possible for him to remain for weeks undetected near the 
scene of his crime. Such a course of conduct would 
have been by no means unusual, and not so foolhardy as 


¢ 


ATTEMPTED MURDER OF RILES. 179 


would at first sight appear. In a settlement composed in 
the main of his own countrymen, no man would prove 
an ‘‘informer.’’ Certainly, in making his escape, no dif 
ficulty would exist in covering the tracks of the criminal. 
Many who would have no part in the crime—not only nc 
sympathy, but would regard it with horror and the mur- 
derer with detestation—would give him aid and hearty 
assistance in effecting his escape. It is asserted that the 
parties so aiding and assisting him are known, and that 
among them is a county official belonging to the order. 

This was not, strictly speaking, a ‘‘ Molly’’ murder, 
although Love was a member of the organization. It was 
not conducted in accordance with ‘Molly’? rules or in 
accordance with established ‘‘Molly’’ precedents. He 
allowed himself to be carried away by heat of passion, A 
moment’s calm reflection might have shown him that by 
an appeal to the order his end might have been attained 
in a way not to disturb his family or disarrange his busi- 
ness. -He had only to signify his desire and promise his 
own services when required, and a party of strangers, both 
to himself and to the victim, would have done the work. 

Long immunity had, however, begotten carelessness, and 
even in the organization the precautions which had been 
deemed essential in the past were lost sight of. 

Esquire Gwither was highly esteemed, and his murder 
aroused general indignation. The brother of the murderer 
was arrested on suspicion, but, no evidence being produced 
against him, he was discharged. 

During the following week the assassination of James 
Riles, a saloon-keeper at Shenandoah, was attempted. Riles 
had been, some months prior to this time, shot and very 
seriously wounded by a ‘‘ Molly’’ named John Tobin. The 
assault had been an aggravated one, and that Riles had 
not been killed was merely the result of accident. Prose- 
cution had been entered against Tobin, and, the evidence 


180 ATTEMPTED MURDER OF RILES. 


being conclusive, effort had been made to effect a settle- 
ment. 

Upon the offer of the payment of costs, Riles, who was 
in possession of some property, thought it best to agree 
and drop the matter. Mrs. Riles would not, however, con- 
sent without payment of the doctor’s bill, and the loss of 
her husband’s time whilst disabled was also included. ‘The 
whole cost would have been in the neighborhood of one 
hundred dollars. This Tobin and his friends positively re- 
fused to agree to, and the case was proceeded with. Tobin 
was found guilty, and sentenced to fifteen months’ impris- 
onment.* 

In revenge for this action on the part of Riles his death 
was determined upon. On the evening fixed for the mur- 
der, James McAllister stepped into Muff Lawler’s tavern, 
and, after taking a drink, told him of what was in contem- 
plation, but did not seem positive as to whether it was 
Riles: or a man named Riley who was to be the victim. 
Lawler, according to his own account, discouraged any 
attempt of the kind, and advised James McAllister to have 
nothing to do with it, for it would be wrong, as both Riles 
and Riley were respectable men. The two then walked 
down the street and into the liquor-store of Frank Mc- 
Andrew, the body-master, and Edward Monaghan, constable 
of Shenandoah. Several members of the. order were there 
assembled. Lawler claims that he was under suspicion, 
and did not dare to protest against it. Whilst the matter 
was under discussion, Lawler and McAllister left. 

In the mean time, that evening, Riles and his wife were 
seated in front of his saloon, which was located in the 
heart of the town. Just after dark, they observed Ed 
Monaghan pass in front of them, and then down the other 
side of the street. In avery short time a number of strange 


* He was pardoned early in 1876. 


ATTEMPTED MURDER OF RILES. 181 


men made their appearance, and fired at Riles, who was 
severely wounded. 

They then attempted to retreat, but Mrs. Riles sprang 
forward and grasped by the arm one of the ruffians who 
had fired the shot. He threw her roughly off, but she again 
sprang forward, and again clung to him. A second time 
she was thrown violently away, but not before she succeeded 
in obtaining a full view of his countenance, which was en- 
tirely unknown to her. 

This occurred early in the evening, in the main street 
of a large town ; as a consequence a crowd soon assembled. 
The wounded man was carried into Mr. Kendrick’s house 
and properly cared for, but the perpetrators escaped. Riles 
again recovered ; but both his wife and himself had now 
come to the conclusion that it was impossible longer to live 
in Shenandoah with any degree of safety. They therefore 
disposed of their property at a sacrifice and moved West. 

That their action was a prudent one may be inferred 
from a fact sworn to by Muff Lawler. Lawler states that 
on the morning of the 1st of September following he was 
informed by ‘Thomas Hurley of an intention to assassinate 
a boss at Raven’s Run, and that in consideration of this 
Mrs. Riles was to be assassinated. Lawler asserts that he 
earnestly denounced the contemplated murder, for the 
reason that the intended victim was a woman, and that he 
consulted James McKenna on the subject, who said the 
matter must be stopped. 

It may be proper to remark here that months after Riles 
and his wife had moved West the news of the ‘‘ Molly’’ . 
arrests in Schuylkill County reached them. - Mrs. Riles 
resolved to visit Pottsville, in hopes of being able to 
identify the assassin whose face she had seen. She carried 
her resolution into execution, and visited the Schuylkill 
County prison. She passed from cell to cell until she saw 


Charles McAllister; -when she immediately charged him 
16 


ae TAMAQUA CONVENTION. 


with the crime. McAllister was at that time waiting trial 
on a charge for murder. He was also held to answer for 
assault and battery with intent to kill.* 

Whilst the particulars of this assault were not generally 
known throughout the region, in connection with other 
crimes quickly following, intense feeling was created in 
Shenandoah and the surrounding neighborhood. 

In Mahanoy City active opposition to the organization 
had existed for some time. This opposition, whilst with- 
out organization, had for its moving spirits generally young 
Americans. 

In Shenandoah the murder of Gomer James, a young 
Welshman, and the attempted assassination of James Riles, 
aroused the Welshmen to a feverish state of indignation, 
shared in by the Americans and sympathized with by the 
English-German element. 

For the next few months this feeling increased in inten- 
sity. 


IEA SD Rove Valet 


TAMAQUA CONVENTION—WHO MURDERED GOMER JAMES ?— 
SANGER MURDER ARRANGED—PATRICK BUTLER. 


McKenna, having discovered the particulars of the Go- 
mer James murder, and reported the same to headquarters 
at Philadelphia, returned to Tamaqua and the fascinations 
of Miss Mary Ann Hegins. The special policy of Mc- 
Kenna as a lover does not appear; whether he was the gay, 
rollicking Irish lad, who sang a good song, told a good 


* The facts relative to this attempted assassination have been derived 
from the sworn testimony of Michael Lawler and statements made by Mrs. 
Riles. Charles McAllister was convicted of assault and battery with intent 
to kill Riles in November, 1876. 


TAMAQUA CONVENTION. 183 


story, and danced a jig, whether ‘‘she loved him for the 
dangers he had passed, and he her that she did pity them,’’ 
or whether he assumed the subdued and sentimental clrar- 
acter, with a touch of blarney, is not known; and upon 
that point, like an honorable man, he makes no revelations. 
That he wooed successfully we may be sure; that he had, 
as a necessity for the accomplishment of his purposes, to 
give Miss Mary Ann a mistaken idea of his intentions, he 
deeply and sincerely regrets. McParlan at all times and 
under all circumstances speaks of Miss Hegins as a good, 
pure girl, as no doubt she is. She was the excuse that 
brought him to Tamaqua and kept him there in her society 
and on the most intimate terms with her brother-in-law, 
James Kerrigan. 

The Yost murder investigations were again resumed. 
On the 24th of August, Carroll was away from home attend- 
ing a funeral, and in his absence McKenna attended bar 
for him. During the afternoon Campbell stopped at the 
Union House. He referred to the Yost murder, but seemed 
most anxious relative to the assassination of John P. Jones. 
He regretted that he could not be present at the conven- 
tion to be held the next day, in order that he might bring 
the subject up there. He asked McKenna to attend to the 
business for him ; said that Jimmy Kerrigan had it in hand, 
but that he was afraid Jimmy would get drunk and neglect 
to attend to it. McKenna promised to do his best to get 
men to do the work. 

When Carroll came home the Yost murder was again re- 
ferred to. During the conversation Kerrigan came in and 
formed one of the party. Both Kerrigan and Carroll again 
expressed the opinion that it was a ‘‘clean job,’’ and that 
the perpetrators would neyer be found out. The details of 
the transaction were again discussed, and the statements 
which they had formerly made corroborated. 

‘The next day, August 25, the convention called by Jack 


184 TAMAQUA. CONVENTION. 


Kehoe assembled at Carroll’s house. The parallel of this 
convention is not known in recorded history. In a period 
of profound peace, ina land governed by just and equitable 
laws formed by the people, in broad daylight, in the cen- 
tre of a large town, situate in one of the most wealthy and 
populous sections of the country, the leaders of a large 
and powerful organization gathered together, without any 
attempt at concealment, to consider the proposition of re- 
warding a cold-blooded, brutal, purposeless assassin; and 
also to deliberate upon the punishment merited by one of 
their own members who was suspected of having prevented 
the accomplishment of the previously planned murder of 
two unarmed and unsuspecting men. 

Those forming this conclave were not animated by even 
perverted sentiments of patriotism or religion. It was no 
uprising against arbitrary and unjust laws, for by virtue of 
the laws even their peaceful assemblage was guaranteed. 
Gomer James was no tyrant, trampling the rights of an 
enslaved people under foot, by whose death liberty was 
to be gained. He was simply a poor young Welshman, 
defenseless, unarmed, unsuspicious, engaged inno quarrel 
or brawl, shot down, and without a moment’s warning 
cast into eternity. 

That such an act, or, in fact, any of the crimes com- 
mitted by the organization, should be regarded as heroic 
passes comprehension. The Thug of India would rob and 
murder an unsuspecting victim, but the Thug never claimed 
to be a hero or a subject for admiration. Low, servile, 
cruel, deceitful, cunning, he was; cowardly and groveling, 
he admitted it. But the Thug was no more cruel, deceit- 
ful, or cunning than the ‘‘ Molly Maguire,’’ and no Thug 
or Italian assassin was ever more cowardly; two, three, 
four, or more were considered necessary to shoot down one 
unarmed man, and any suspected preparations for protec- 
tion were sufficient to postpone the enterprise. 


~ | ae Fee 


TAMAQUA CONVENTION. 185 


Among the very many *‘ Molly’? murders committed in 
the coal region, there never has been one in which the 
victim has been accorded the least chance for his life, 
or where the murderers willingly subjected themselves to 
the slightest danger. And yet they regarded themselves, 
and were regarded by the association, as heroes. The war- 
worn veteran was never as boastful of scars obtained in open 
conflict for the sake of home and country, as were these 
ruffans of unprovoked murders, committed, as they be- 
lieved, in perfect safety. . 

The convention was called to order by John Kehoe, the 
County Delegate. Different divisions of Schuylkill County 
were represented by their body-masters and other officers. 
Besides the officers a number of influential members of the 
organization were present. Shortly after the opening of 
the convention a county committee was selected by Kehoe, 
to whom was to be submitted business affecting the organ- 
ization. This committee consisted of John Kehoe, County 
Delegate ; Yellow Jack Donahue, Body-master at Tusca- 
rora; Chris Donnelly, County Treasurer ; Michael O’Brien, 
Body-master at Mahanoy City; Frank O'Neill, Secretary 
of St. Clair Division; Patrick Dolan, Body-master at Big 
Mine Run; James Roarity, Body-master at Coaldale; Mc- 
Kenna acted as Secretary. 

The deliberations of the convention were held with open 
doors so far as the order was concerned. ‘Three rooms on 
the second floor of Carroll’s house were occupied ; one by 
the committee, one by the witnesses, and the third from 
time to time by McKenna, who took down in writing dif- 
ferent complaints that were made. 

The case of John J. Slattery was considered. Jimmy 
Kerrigan was the nominal prosecutor, but the charges were 
presented and urged by Yellow Jack Donahue. It was 
claimed that through Slattery the murder of the two Majors 


had a prevented ; his intimacy with Samuel Major, the 
j 16* 


186 WHO MURDERED GOMER FAMES? 


uncle, was urged in proof of the charge, as well as the 
remarks made by Samuel Major relative to information 
given him by Slattery as to the feeling of the school board. 
Slattery entered the plea of ‘‘not guilty,’’ but he was re- 
garded with suspicion, and his expulsion by the Tuscarora 
Division was affirmed. 

If Slattery is to be believed (and his story is to some ex- 
tent corroborated by Charles-Mulhearn of the Tuscarora 
Division), his situation was now critical. His life was in 
constant danger, and his property threatened with destruc- 
tion. The feeling of both his wife and himself, at first, 
was one of relief that his connection with the order had 
been severed; but this feeling was only momentary, for, un- 
derstanding as he did the character of the organization, 
their mode of operations, and the feeling towards himself, 
he was conscious that his life might be the forfeit of one 
unguarded minute. He had been warned that he was in 
- danger, and Alec Campbell, a few days after the conven- 
tion, made it a point to call upon him to say that if he did 
not succeed in reinstating himself in the order his destruc- 
tion was certain. He advised that application should be 
made to Jack Kehoe, the County Delegate. Under the 
circumstances, Slattery. considered the advice good, and, 
under strong asseverations of his innocence of any attempt 
to save the Majors, regained his standing in the order. 

To return to the convention of the 25th of August. The 
exciting topic before it was regarding the reward to be 
paid the murderer of Gomer James. ‘Thomas Hurley was 
present urging his claim as the murderer. Hé was accom- 
panied by Frank McAndrew, the body-master, and John 
Morris,* both members of the Shenandoah Division. Mc- 
Kenna, in the presence of these men, took down the state- 


* Convicted of an assault and battery with intent to kill Wm. M. 
Thomas, 


WHO MURDERED GOMER FAMES? 187 


ment in writing, which he then presented to the committee. 
It was read aloud by Frank Keenan, the body-master of 
Forestville. ‘The statement was heard by Patrick Butler, 
the body-master at Lost Creek, who was in an adjoining 
room. Butler appeared before the committee and asserted 
that a man named McClain, belonging to his division, had 
committed the act, and was entitled to the reward. Mc- 
Kenna urged the claims of Hurley. Kehoe stated that for 
the commission of the act a reward was justly due, but that 
it was important that the reward should go to the proper 
party. In this all present acquiesced. 

Besides the committee there were present at this time 
in the room Frank Keenan, Patrick Butler, John Morris, 
Jeremiah Kane,* body-master at Mount Laffee, and James 
McKenna. McClain was not present to’urge his claim, 
and in fact had only asserted in a spirit of braggadoeio 
that he had committed the murder.t As there appeared to 
be an uncertainty as to the real murderer of Gomer James, 
no fixed reward was settled upon, but James McKenna and 
Patrick Butler were appointed by the committee to inves- 
tigate the subject and report. © Butler and McKenna there- 
upon agreed to hold a meeting and hear witnesses on the 
following Sunday, August 29, in the bush near Shenan- 
doah. 

At this time, through the borough authorities of Tama- 
qua, acting on information derived from the Pinkerton 
Agency, John P. Jones was on his guard, and a detail of 
the Coal and Iron Police stayed at his house every night. 

McKenna, to be early cognizant of anything that tran- 
spired in the matter, encouraged the selection of Frank 


* Fugitive from justice, connected with the attempt to assassinate the 
Majors. 

7 This was not at all uncommon. A number of instances are known 
where murder was falsely boasted of for the purpose of gaining increased 
popularity and social position. 


é 


188 WHO MURDERED GOMER FAMES? 


McAndrew, the body-master, to procure the men to com- 
mit the murder from the Shenandoah Division. 

Jimmy Kerrigan was on the day of the convention full 
of whisky and determined to effect the murder. Without 
telling McKenna what he had done, he concluded another 
arrangement with Jerry Kane, the body-master at Mount 
Laffee, to furnish men from that division. McKenna, not 
suspecting this action on the part of Kerrigan, arranged 
for the contest between McClain and Hurley, determined, 
if possible, to get at the exact truth of that matter. He 
understood Hurley thoroughly ; he knew that he was a liar 
and a thief, and wished to obtain as much proof as possible 
as to who the murderer really was. 

On Sunday, the meeting was held according to appoint- 
ment. Butler and McKenna acted as judges. A number 
of persons were present, Edward Monaghan, a constable 
of Shenandoah, among the rest. McClain did not make 
his appearance ; he excused himself afterwards to Butler 
by saying that he was afraid of Hurley. Hurley was him- 
self present with his witnesses. The fact that he committed 
the murder was testified to by Thomas and James Welsh, 
Michael Carey, and a man named Conway. The evidence 
appeared conclusive. McClain was not there to dispute 
any points, and Butler and McKenna agreed that Hurley 
was the fortunate man entitled to the reward. It was de- 
termined that a report to this effect be sent to Kehoe, 
which was accordingly done on the following day (August 
30). ae 

It may be proper to state here that no portion of the 
reward was ever paid to Hurley. The end of the fearful 
reign of terror was approaching. The power of the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguires’’ was at the culminating point. The darkest of 
crimes now followed in rapid succession, and others, both 
in Carbon and Schuylkill Counties, as well as in Luzerne, 
were in contemplation. ‘There never had been in the an- 


WHO MURDERED GOMER FAMES? 189 


thracite coal region a member of this organization con- 
victed of murder in the first degree; but the time was 
close at hand when they would have to enter upon a struggle 
wherein not only the lives of many of their members would 
be placed in jeopardy, but the ascendency, nay, the very 
existence of the order would be threatened with destruc- 
tion. Confronted with dangers like these, not only were 
all the available funds of the organization required for 
purposes of defense, but a demand was also made upon 
the personal resources of the members, and assistance from 
abroad was required. In this contest the money claimed 
by Hurley was absorbed. 

To arrange for the murder of John P. Jones, Frank 
McAndrew, the body-master, called a meeting of the 
Shenandoah Division, to be held at his house on the tst 
of September. ‘This was in pursuance of the arrangement 
made in Tamaqua on the 25th of August. 

McKenna was at this time staying at Fenton Cooney’s, 
his regular boarding-place in Shenandoah. Michael Doyle, 
who will be remembered as connected with the attempt to 
assassinate ‘‘ Bully Bill,’’ was boarding at the: same place. 
He and McKenna were bedfellows. On the morning of 
the 31st of August, McKenna, upon getting out of bed, 
saw lying on the wash-stand a new Smith & Wesson pistol, 
which he knew did not belong to Doyle. Turning to him, 
he asked, ‘‘ Where did you get that pistol?’’ Doyle re- 
plied that he had borrowed it from Ned Monaghan ; that 
he and the two O’Donnells and McAllister were going that 
day to shoot a boss at Raven’s Run. | 


Immediately after breakfast they were in the back-yard: 


together, where they were joined by Tom Hurley. Hur- 
ley was at this time still elated with the ‘‘clean job’’ he 
had made with Gomer James, and assumed airs of supe- 
riority. The matter of the contemplated murder was 
talked over, but the name of the man to be shot was not 


dos 


190 THE SANGER MURDER ARRANGED. 


mentioned. ‘‘ A bossat Raven’s Run, who would be pointed 
out,’’ was sufficient information for Doyle. Hurley gave 
minute directions as to the proper way to shoot a man. 
He told Doyle to hold his pistol at full cock in his pocket ; 
to walk straight up to his victim and then draw the pistol ; 
to shoot directly thréugh the breast-pocket of his coat. 
He sneered at the way in which Doyle had acted when 
they attempted to assassinate ‘‘ Bully Bill,’’ and accused 
him of cowardice on that occasion. ‘‘ Now,’’ he said, 
‘‘you are going with Friday O’Donnell, and he is a man 
who will stand no nonsense.”’ 

-. The three then proceeded up the street, Doyle stopping at 
Lawler’s, where, he said, he was to meet some of his party. 
McKenna and Hurley went on. They soon met Friday 
O’Donnell, and together they went to Malachi Cleery’s 
liquor-store. O’Donnell there exhibited two pistols, and 
said that his brother Charles, McAllister, and Doyle were 
going that day to shoot a mining boss at Raven’s Run. 
He further said that they would work only a half-day, but 
that the matter of work would be arranged with their 
‘«butties,’’ who were friends of the order. 

McKenna had not learned the name of the person to be 
assassinated, but merely that the location of the contem- 
plated murder was at Raven’s Run, a small mining town 
about two miles north from Girardville. ‘Thinking it pos- 
sible that he might yet give Captain Linden warning, he, 
in a casual way, asked for him at Malachi Cleery’s, which 
was the point under their arrangement where he would be 
most likely to hear of it if he was in town. Ascertaining 
that Captain Linden was not in town, he made a number 
of fruitless efforts to rid himself of Hurley in order to send 
a cipher dispatch to Superintendent Franklin, at Philadel- 
phia, But Hurley, either by accident or for some reason, 
kept him close company. 

McKenna expected that the murder would be accom- 


THE SANGER MURDER ARRANGED. Igt 


plished that day. He did not know of Linden’s where- 
abouts, and was hampered by Hurley. He was, conse- 
quently, unable to prevent the perpetration of the crime, 
and his object now was, in case of its commission, to learn 
all the details. To do this the best plan was for him to 
remain at Shenandoah. It was also at that place that the 
meeting was to be held’on the following night to arrange 
for the murder of John P. Jones. 

That McKenna was not before this aware of the con- 
templated murder was owing not to any want of openness 
on the part of those having the matter in hand, but to the 
fact that he had been away from Shenandoah, at Tamaqua 
and Storm Hill, during the preceding six weeks. There 
is, perhaps, nothing more noteworthy in the career of Mc- 
' Kenna than the success he always had in obtaining the 
confidence of his associates, and this was probably owing, 
to a great extent, to the fact that while he manifested in- 
terest and sympathy he never seemed to seek for information. 
He therefore assumed in this instance the same feeling of 
indifference exhibited by Doyle and Hurley, that it was a 
matter of but little account who the intended victim was ; 
**a boss at Raven’s Run’’ was a sufficient description, with- 
out inquiring into minute particulars. For him to have 
manifested curiosity would have been to arouse suspicion, so 
that of necessity he was compelled to await developments 
and take the chances of gaining more accurate informa- 
tion. 

The fact was, that the man to be murdered was Thomas 
Sanger, and that this murder, with some others never at- 
tempted, had been in contemplation for some time. Sanger 
was a man of good character and of an amiable disposition. 
He was between thirty and forty years of age, enjoying the 
esteem and confidence of S. M. Heaton & Co., at whose 
colliery at Raven’s Run he was employed asa boss. He 
was not known to have an enemy in the world; but it was 


Ig2 PATRICK BUTLER. 


afterwards ascertained that, by reason of some act done in 
the pursuit of his duty, he acquired the ill will of some of 
the ‘‘ Mollies,’’ and his death was determined upon. The 
year previous (1874) Bucky Donnelly took the matter in 
hand, pointed out Thomas Sanger to Patrick Butler, and 
said that he wanted him killed. At another interview with 
Butler, when a man named Patrick Shaw was present, he 
proposed that the two should commit the act. For some 
reason they never made the attempt. 

For the purpose of showing the difficulties which beset 
the path of McKenna, and of illustrating not only with 
what readiness a murder would be conceived, but also how 
readily it would be abandoned,—in short, the little account 
in which human life was held,—several incidents in the 
history of Patrick Butler may here be given. 

Patrick Butler, who will be remembered as being on the 
committee with McKenna to decide to whom belonged the 
credit of having murdered Gomer James, is a young man 
who joined the order in August, 1873. He joined the 
Raven’s Run Division, of which Bucky Donnelly was body- 
master at that time. Donnelly, about six weeks afterwards, 
notified Butler to meet him at Girardville station and go 
with him to Mahanoy City, which he did. They were in 
company with Barney Dolan, then County Delegate of 
Schuylkill, Larry Crane, and Peter Finneral. When they 
arrived at Mahanoy City, Butler learned that Philip Nash 
had ‘“set up a job’’ to kill a man by the name of Edward 
Burke. Peter Finneral, a man named McDonough, and 
Butler, as young members, were selected to commit the 
murder. After the selection was made and the party had 
eaten their supper, those not appointed went home, taking 
Finneral along, he being very drunk. A man named For- 
fay pointed Burke out to McDonough and Butler. He 
was sitting at the door in front of his house. They fired at 
him, but missed him,—Butler says purposely, for they were 


PATRICK BUTLER. 193 


angry because Finneral had got drunk and the rest of the 
party had gone home. ‘The matter was then dropped. 

Butler was also with Bucky Donnelly at a large meeting 
at Shenandoah, assembled for the purpose of making a raid 
on Jackson’s Patch.* Whilst there, Donnelly, out of pure 
malice, shot off a pistol in such a manner as to make a 
woman believe that he intended to kill her. 

’ In the year 1874, Bucky Donnelly, Larry Crane, Philip 

Nash, and Patrick Butler went over to Centralia, in Colum- 
bia County, for the purpose of killing a man named Mc- 
Brierty. This was to oblige Edward Curley, the County 
Delegate of Columbia. The party, however, got drunk, 
and returned without accomplishing the purpose of the 
visit. 

Butler succeeded Bucky Donnelly as the body-master of 
the Raven’s Run Division. Whilst holding that position an 
application was made to him to furnish two men to help 
kill Captain William Hays and William Rees. An appli- 
cation of the same kind was also made to Philip Nash, 
body-master at Girardville. For some reason the men 
were not furnished. Joseph Rees was afterwards attacked 
at Shenandoah, but was not injured. 

The cases just cited constitute only a part of those in 
which Butler and Donnelly were engaged since the autumn 
of 1873, but they are sufficient for the purpose of illustra- 
tion. 

When it is taken into consideration how many parties 
there were—all equally criminal—who needed watching ; 
that a spirit of braggadocio was abroad in the order; that 
murders were openly discussed ; that the darkest of crimes 
would be suggested for the mere gratification of a whim, 
and that a contemplated murder would often be abandoned 
with the same readiness with which it had been conceived, 


# This meeting is described in another place. 
I 17 


194 MURDER OF SANGER AND UREN. 


it can readily be understood how the detective might waste 
much valuable time in useless work. The air was filled 
with the talk of murders and other outrages, and it required 
calm, deliberate judgment and nice discrimination to learn 
where real danger existed. Through the instrumentality 
of McParlan the lives of a number of those consigned to 
death were saved, but it was one man against a host, and 
the assassins themselves were so confident of immunity from 
punishment that they murdered with scarcely an attempt 
at concealment. 


a 


(SEA: PAGE Re XTX 


MURDER OF SANGER.AND UREN—McPARLAN ON A COMMITTEE 
TO MURDER JONES—MURDER OF JONES BY OTHER PARTIES 
—FLIGHT OF THE ASSASSINS. 


THE murder of Thomas Sanger was not attempted on 
the 31st of August, as McKenna had been informed it 
would be. It was a ‘‘job’’ of Bucky Donnelly’s, and had 
been arranged under the auspices and with the encourage- 
ment of Jack Kehoe, who seemed to be ready and anxious ~ 
for any murder that might be proposed. About ten o’clock 
that night the two O’Donnells, James McAllister, and 
~ Michael Doyle were joined by Thomas Munley at Gil- 
berton. 

Munley is about thirty years of age, and was the oldest 
man of the five. It is said that it was the intention that a 
younger brother of Munley’s should go, but he being sick, 
Thomas went in his stead. A portion of the evening the 
party passed with Jack Kehoe, at Girardville, where the 
matter of the contemplated murder was discussed. From 
Kehoe’s they went to Anthony Munley’s, at Dane’s Patch, » 


MURDER OF SANGER AND UREN. 195 


and from Munley’s they proceeded to Bucky Donnelly’s 
house, at Raven’s Run, where they remained during the 
night. 

As early as six o’clock on the morning of the 1st of Sep- 
tember, 1875, the five men were at the colliery of S. M. 
Heaton & Co. They had taken the precaution to exchange 
clothing and hats, with the exception of Michael Doyle, 
who had borrowed from McKenna the coat which he wore. 
The only other attempt at concealment was the drawing 
of the hats down over the face as far as possible, and raising 
the coat-collars. From half-past six o’clock until a quarter 
to seven the men were gathering ready to go to work. 
About this time in the neighborhood of one hundred men 
and boys had collected. The five men were noticed by a 
number of the workmen, but very little was said to them. 
At about a quarter to seven o’clock Thomas Sanger came 
out of his house and walked towards the mines, intending 
to set the men to work. -He was accompanied by a young 
man named William Uren. ‘They were met by James, or 
Friday, O’Donnell, who stepped towards Sanger and shot 
him. Sangér turned and ran. Uren attempted to inter- 
fere in his behalf, when he also was shot by O’ Donnell. 
Uren then ran towards the engine-house, O’ Donnell pur- 
suing Sanger. 

In the mean time the remaining four commenced firing 
right and left, threatening the remainder of the workmen, 
who fled panic-stricken. Whether the flight was encour- 
aged or led by those in sympathy with the murderers, it is 
impossible to tell. That over one hundred men and boys . 
should give way to four is not so remarkable as it at first 
appears, when it is considered that the four men were 
armed and presented a determined front, whilst to the 
larger number the whole affair was unexpected, and no one 
was prepared to head the others in resistance. 

Thomas Munley, seeing Sanger running away, ran for- 


196 MURDER OF SANGER AND UREN. 


ward to head him off. He met him near a house occupied 


= q 


by the family of Robert Weevil, when he also shot him. | 


Sanger then ran into Weevil’s house. The five ruffians 
retreated to the mountains. Robert Heaton, one of the 
proprietors of the colliery, had just finished his breakfast, 
and was seated on his front porch, when he heard the firing. 
He ran as fast as possible towards Weevil’s house. He saw 
two of the party running towards the mountain. He com- 
menced firing at them, and his fire was returned. It took 
but a few moments, however, to exhaust the charges in his 
revolver. He had not succeeded in hitting any of the 
fugitives, and did not recognize in them any one he knew. 

Sanger was shot in the arm, a flesh-wound, and in the 
right groin. He died in a few minutes, in the arms of his 
agonized wife, whose side he had just left in perfect health 
and with apparent prospect of long life. William Uren 
was also shot in the right groin. He lingered some hours 
longer, but his recovery was from the first regarded as 
hopeless,—the ball had passed into the abdomen. 

In the mean time, McKenna was anxiously waiting at 
Shenandoah to hear what had been done. On'the morning 
of the rst of September he went down to Muff Lawler’s, 
where he found Tom Hurley. The-conversation was on 
the proposed murder. Muff had been injured in the mines, 
and could only move with great difficulty. Hurley here 
again expressed the opinion that Doyle would have to be- 
have better than he had done in the case of Bully Bill; 
that Friday O’ Donnell was not the man to stand nonsense; 
that he would fix him. This was about eight o’clock. 

At this time the five men who had committed the murder 
at Raven’s Run came into Lawler’s, Michael Doyle lead- 
ing the way. ‘They all looked overheated, and were very 


much excited. ‘They first had a drink of water, and then — 
took whisky all around. The murder at Raven’s Run was 


narrated, each one of the party anxious to tell his own 


MURDER OF SANGER AND UREN. 197 


share. Doyle said it was all right. Friday O’Donnell 
said it was a ‘‘clean job ;’’ they had killed two, when they 
only expected to kill one. Friday said he had fired the 
first shot, when the second man interfered, and then he 
had shot him. Munley said he had fired at and hit the 
first man as he was going into a house. Charles O’ Don- 
nell, Doyle, and McAllister said they had been firing and 
frightening the people, and could not get up to the two 
others until the job was done. 

James O’ Donnell then spoke of a man firing at Munley 
and himself, and of their returning the fire. Doyle said 
the man who had fired at them was named Heaton, and that 
he was one of the proprietors. McKenna now learned for 
the first time that the name of the boss they had gone to kill 
was Thomas Sanger. None of the party seemed to know 
or care who the other was. Each man seemed anxious to 
tell the story his own way. They described how they had 
changed their hats and clothing before the murder, and 
changed back again before coming over the mountain to 
Shenandoah. They examined their pistols ; Charles O’ Don- 
nell and McAllister at first thought they had best leave their 
navy revolvers with Muff Lawler to take care of for them, 
and gave them to him for that purpose. They, however, 
changed their minds and took them back. After the party 
had taken about four drinks apiece, the O’Donnells and 
McAllister started for their home at Wiggan’s Patch. 

Munley, Doyle, Hurley; and McKenna then went up to 
Tobin’s ball-alley, where Hurley and Doyle played for the 
beer, McKenna keeping the game and Munley looking on. 
About half-past twelve o’clock Munley started for his home 
at Gilberton, on his way going up-street with McKenna. 
As they separated, Munley remarked that as there was to be 
a meeting of Shenandoah Division that night, he would be 
over. The incidents of the morning, together with the 
liquor he had drunk, excited Munley. He was boastful 

17* 


198 McPARLAN ON A COMMITTEE 


and quarrelsome. After he arrived at home he had a dis- 
turbance with his wife, flourished his pistol, and fired it off 
in the house, the ball lodging in a partition. 

As might naturally be expected, these murders following 
so quickly after the others before narrated created intense 
excitement. Notwithstanding the fearful outrage had been 
perpetrated in the presence of a large number of people 
that morning, the criminals were either not known to any 
one, or the terrorism prevailing prevented their exposure, 
and many months passed under the general belief that two 
more-victims of ‘‘Molly’’ outrage had passed into eternity 
and the strong arm of the law was apparently powerless. 
The vigilance committee, as it is believed, sprang into ex- 
istence, and in the course of time retaliation commenced ; 
but the civil authorities were silent, and a general fear was 
felt and expressed that a system of laws which in civilized 
lands had received the indorsement of centuries was here 
utterly powerless. 

On the evening of the 1st of September the Shenandoah 
Division held a meeting at the house of Frank McAndrew, 
the body-master. Notices of the time of meeting had 
been given on the day preceding. ‘There were present 
Frank McAndrew, Thomas Munley, Michael Darcy, John 
Morris, Thomas Hurley, John McGrail, Edward Mona- 
ghan, and James McKenna. Edward Sweeny came in, 
but, as his dues were not paid up, he was requested to 
leave. The murder of John P. Jones was considered. 
Thomas Munley and Michael Darcy volunteered to go. 


John McGrail and James McKenna were appointed in ad-. 


dition by the body-master. ‘They were requested to leave 
the next morning. McKenna, having in view the giving 
notice to Captain Linden and Superintendent Franklin, 
suggested that he should go ahead for a day or two to pre- 
pare matters. This was satisfactory to John McGrail, who 


said he had business in Shenandoah, which he would have 


‘oo, =. 


TO MURDER FONES., 199 


to attend to the next day, but he would be ready the day 
following. Munley and Darcy both advocated going at 
once. Munley said he had his hand in now (referring to 
his share in the murder of Sanger and Uren), and he was 
going right then. ‘The arrangement was finally made that 
Munley and Darcy should get cartridges for the pistols at 
Mahanoy City, and join McKenna the next morning on the 
train at that place, to go with himto Tamaqua. McGrail 
was to be telegraphed for when needed. At this meeting the 
murder of Sanger and Uren was openly discussed, Munley 
assuming the same boastful manner that he had in the 
morning at Muff Lawler’s. 

The arrangement, so far as relates to. the murder of 
John P: Jones, had been worked by McKenna according 
to a preconcerted plan. It had been understood between 
Captain Linden and himself that he would, if possible, get 
on the committee and so delay matters that if, in the end, 
the affair should be attempted to be consummated, all par- 
ties should be arrested. 

Wm. D. Zehner, superintendent of the Lehigh and 
Wilkesbarre Coal Company at Landsford, had been warned 
by Beard and Shepp, of Tamaqua, prior to this, not only 
of the intended murder of John P. Jones, but also of a 
similar attempt to be made on himself, in exchange for the 
murder of a gentleman at Jeddo, Luzerne County. He 
had consulted with Mr. Parrish, the president of the Le- 
high and Wilkesbarre Coal Company, who was much ex- 
cited on the question, and had given instructions to spare 
no expense or trouble to secure the safety of all parties. 

Mr. Jones had slept, for several weeks prior to this time, 
at Mr. Zehner’s house, at Landsford, under guard of Coal 
and Iron policemen. 

McKenna started on the 2d of September for Tamaqua 
on the seven o’clock train, and was joined, as per arrange- 
ment, by Munley and Darcy at Mahanoy City. On ar- 


200 MURDER OF FONES BY OTHER PARTIES. 


riving at Tamaqua, they proceeded at once to Carroll’s, 
but found that he was out of town. McKenna then went 
pretending to look for Kerrigan,—really to make out his 
report,—and reported not being successful in his search. 
He suggested that without Kerrigan the matter could 
proceed no further, and told Munley and Darcy to return 
home and wait for a telegraph from him. To this they 
agreed, and left for Mahanoy Valley that afternoon. Mc- 
Kenna was now satisfied that the attempt to murder was 
delayed for the time being, if not forever. He was much 
surprised to learn from Carroll, after his return about ten 
o’clock that night, that two men sent by Jerry Kane had 
come over from Mount Laffee the preceding evening and 
were already at Storm Hill; that the probabilities were 
that John P. Jones was already killed. It was then too 
late to give further notice, and McKenna could only hope 
that his previous warnings had proved effectual. 

It appears that at the meeting at Carvoll’s on the 25th of 
August, Jerry Kane, body-master of Mount Laffee Division 
(near Pottsville), had been spoken to. He was just as 
willing to procure men to kill John P. Jones as he had 
himself been to assassinate the Majors at the request of 
Chris. Donnelly, and proceeded to arrange the matter 
shortly after the convention. He called a meeting of his 
division, stated the object, and two men were drawn by 
lot, one being Edward Kelly, and the other a married 
man, a resident of Mount Laffee. Kelly was a young man, 
considered of kindly impulses and nature, and, except in 
being a ‘‘ Molly,’’ regarded as of good character. He 
-accepted the situation at once. But the fact that the other 
was a married man with a family excited the sympathies 
of young Michael J. Doyle, who, in a spirit of enthusiasm, 
and, as he imagined, heroism, offered to take his place. 


Michael J. Doyle is a young man, not over twenty-five 
years of age. He has been well brought up. In his boy-. 


3 


MURDER OF FONES BY OTHER PARTIES. 201 


hood he was regarded as amiable and kind-hearted. His 
early associates speak of him in high terms. His habits 
and character were regarded as good. Yet both Doyle and 
Kelly were, under the influence of this organization, ready, 
willing, and anxious to slay a fellow-being in cold blood 
whom they had never seen and against whom they had no 
ill feeling, and to regard themselves as heroes and worthy 
of praise and admiration for so doing. 

Furnished with a letter to James Carroll, and wearing 
badges of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, they arrived 
at Tamaqua on the ist of September, 1875. Carroll at 
once sent for Kerrigan, and asked him to conduct them to 
Storm Hill to Alec Campbell. Kerrigan objected, on the 
ground that he had work to do that night. Carroll, how- 
ever, insisted, and Jimmy, without much urging, con- 
sented. 

They arrived at Storm Hill in the evening, and went 
immediately to Campbell’s. Kerrigan introduced his com- 
panions, Kelly and Doyle, and told him that they were 
the parties sent over to kill Jones. Campbell expressed 
gratification at seeing them, and said he would take them 
up to McGeehan’s saloon on Summit Hill; which he did. 
On arriving at McGeehan’s, Campbell remarked that the 
murder should be committed as soon as possible, but that 
as Mulhall was now at home from Tuscarora, he must notify 
him to keep out of the way, so he should not be suspected. 
He also advised McGeehan to go home early that night, 
so that his whereabouts could readily be accounted for. 

Several pistols were now produced, among others the 
black pistol, belonging to Roarity, which McGeehan had 
used to kill Yost. McGeehan examined and oiled the pis- 
tols, in order to have them in good condition. In one of 
the pistols the cartridges used were rather large for the 
bore. McGeehan in endeavoring to drive one of the car- 
tridges tightly into place exploded it, the ball imbedding 


[* 





202 MURDER OF FONES BY OTHER PARTIES. 


itself in the bar counter. Neither Kerrigan, Kelly, nor 
Doyle knew John P. Jones, and his personal appearance 
and manner of dress were described by Campbell. It was 
then understood that the party next day should appear as 
if in search of work, and, if any favorable opportunity 
should offer itself, conclude the job. Campbell first left, 
and between ten and eleven o’clock that night McGeehan 
also went to his boarding-house, leaving the key of his 
saloon with the three strangers to lock themselves in. The 
next day Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly wandered from point 
to point in that neighborhood. They saw John P. Jones, 
but, according to their opinion, had no favorable opportunity 
to accomplish their design. That night they stopped with 
Campbell. He was disposed to blame Kerrigan that the 
deed was not already done, and thought that it might 
still be done that evening. Kelly and Doyle, at his sug- 
gestion, stationed themselves near the front of Jones’s 
house, where they were observed by a number of persons. 
There were several meetings that evening in town, and it 
was supposed that Jones might go to one or the other of 
them. Finding that he did not make his appearance, the 
matter was deferred until morning. 

The balance of the evening was spent in drinking in 
Campbell’s saloon,—parties passing in and out. When the 
conspirators were alone, Campbell discussed the situation 
with them. He said that the murder of Jones would bea 
glorious thing ; that they could shoot him at any place, and 
that no one would tell; that they should be careful to put 
not only one, but several balls in him; that if it were 
not for the society and the dropping of an odd man off 
once in a while, there would be no such thing as living 
there. He said, further, there would be no difficulty in 
their getting away; no one would dare to tell on them even 
if they should be known. Campbell is a man of decided 
ability, money-making, but fond of power, and ambitious. 


a at 
ae 


v" <r 


ef MURDER OF FONES BY OTHER PARTIES. 203 


It is said that he had high hopes in the order; looking be- 
yond mere county influence. Like Jack Kehoe, he was 
aware of the fact that he increased his influence among his 
associates by the advocacy of bold and daring measures. 
He, however, understood the importance to his business of 
controlling the bosses, either through friendship or fear. 
He was perhaps the man of the greatest natural ability 
among the ‘‘ Mollies’’ of the anthracite coal regions, and 
his influence was continually and persistently for evil. He 
could not make the order more diabolical than it already 
was, but, like Jack Kehoe, he sought to influence the devils 
who possessed it. 

Between Tamaqua and Mauch Chunk lay a cluster of 
small towns. On the Nesquehoning branch of the Jersey 
Central Railroad there is Coaldale, the residence of James 
Roarity. A mile or two to the east, and on the line of the 
same road, is Landsford. This was the residence of Wm. 
D. Zehner, one of the superintendents of the Lehigh and 
Wilkesbarre Coal Company. A short distance from Lands- 
ford, and an extension of the same place, away from the 
railroad, is the village of Storm Hill, the home of John P. 
Jones. Near this is Ashton, where Alec Campbell had his 
store, and still farther on, at the top of the mountain, 
Summit Hill, the western depot of the celebrated Switch- 
back Railroad. 

John P. Jones, for the first time in several weeks, on the 
night of the 2d of September slept in his own house. A 
little after seven o’clock on the morning of the 3d, after 
taking his breakfast and chatting with his family, he quietly 
started for the superintendent’s office, near the Landsford 
depot. The train from Tamaqua was about due, and nearly 
one hundred people, railroad men and employés of the 
Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Company, were near by. No 
time would seem more inopportune for a deed of murder 
and outrage. He was in the midst of busy life and sur- 


204 FLIGHT OF THE ASSASSINS. 


rounded by his friends. Yet so emboldened had an un- 
checked course of crimes committed by the ‘‘ Molly’’ or- 
ganization rendered the assassins, that this was the moment 
chosen for the perpetration of their fiendish act. Two 
strange men suddenly appeared, and commenced firing re- 
peatedly but quickly. The advice of Campbell was followed : 
several balls were lodged in the body of their unfortunate 
victim. So sudden and unexpected was the occurrence, that 
before such an attempt at crime could be realized, much 
less prevented, the murderers had disappeared, leaving 
behind them the disfigured corse of John P. Jones in the 
midst of a crowd of people almost Pane ae in their 
intense surprise. 

This foul act realized, the wildest excitement prevailed. 
Just at this time the Tamaqua train arrived, and the pas- 
sengers, joining the excited throng, were at once imbued 
with the prevailing indignation. Mr. Zehner, however, 
acted coolly and promptly. He had in his possession a 
number of fire-arms, and, quickly selecting men with judg- 
ment and care, he sent them towards Tamaqua on railroad 
trucks, with directions so to station themselves as to inter- 
cept the criminals, if possible, in their retreat. 

In a very short time the news reached Tamaqua, and 
that place was at once the theatre of wild excitement, in- 
dignation, and a bitter feeling of revenge. Business was 
almost suspended. Knots of men gathered together, dis- 
cussing the terrible tragedy that had just occurred. The 
feeling that any help, except through the meeting of law- 
less acts committed by wrong-doers by lawless acts of good 
citizens, was gaining. ground. In other words, the vigi- 
lance committee was openly advocated as being the only 
hope for safety. 

But little Jimmy Kerrigan understood the country well, 
and, in the first instance, marked his course with judg-. 
ment. By taking unfrequented roads and by-paths he_ 





FLIGHT OF THE ASSASSINS. 205 


managed to elude all the scouts sent out, and took his 
party safely past Tamaqua, and fairly on the road to Tus- 
carora and Pottsville. Had he, when he got them to 
Tamaqua, kept to the mountain himself and separated 
from Kelly and Doyle, they could with perfect safety have 
walked the main street of the town and through the excited 
crowd. They would not have been known, and could have 
taken the cars to Pottsville without suspicion or annoyance. 

Or if Kerrigan, without stopping, had conducted them 
to Tuscarora, they would have been in the midst of the 
order,—Yellow Jack Donahue, John J. Slattery, Charley 
Mulhearn, and others,—who could very readily have got 
them on to Pottsville and from thence home. 

But Jimmy Kerrigan’s hospitality overcame his judg- 
ment. After he had got them past Tamaqua he felt that 
they were safe, and, nearing his house, which was to the 
west of the town, he left them in the bush and went home 
to bring them whisky and something to eat. 

That rest in the bush, that act of hospitality of Ker- 
rigan’s, was fatal to ‘‘ Molly’’ ascendency. During that 
pause their arrest was made by one of those strange chances, 
hereafter narrated, that would seem to indicate the control 
of an absolute and invisible power. A knowledge of 
**Molly’’ crimes and ‘‘ Molly’’ criminals was in the pos- 
session of some parties, but, under the agreement that the 
detective should not appear as a witness, proof of guilt was 
very difficult. Had Kelly and Doyle reached Mount Laffee 
in safety, their identification would have been next to impos- 
sible, and John P. Jones would have been but one more in 
the long line of ‘‘Molly’’ victims unavenged. 

In the events immediately succeeding this murder, cir- 
cumstances have so combined in the complete exposure of 
crime, the punishment of criminals, and the destruction 
of this damnable organization, as to indicate even to the 


avowed skeptic the hand of an overruling Providence. 
18 


206 ARREST OF KERRIGAN, DOYLE, AND KELTON, 


Od host io D2 Ol ee Oe 


ARREST OF KERRIGAN, DOYLE, AND KELLY—THEIR LIVES 
THREATENED. 


Iv. will be borne in mind that at the time the events last 
detailed occurred, a knowledge of the perpetrators of 
many a foul and bloody outrage was in the possession of 
Franklin B. Gowen, Esq., the president of the Philadel- 
phia and Reading Railroad Company, and that evidence 
was being gathered as fast as practicable to render the con- 
viction of criminals sure without calling in the detective. 
It will also be remembered that Daniel Shepp and Michael 
Beard had themselves guaranteed the payment to the Pink- 
erton Agency of the expenses of the investigation of the 
Yost murder. It was known to Beard, Shepp, and some 
others, through that investigation, that there was an inten- 
tion to kill John P. Jones and other parties, but it was be- 
lieved that these designs could be frustrated. 

The full particulars of the Yost murder were at this time 
thoroughly understood, and the position occupied by Ker- 
rigan was also known. When the news, therefore, reached 
Tamaqua of the murder committed at Landsford, inquiries 
were at once set on foot to learn the whereabouts of Ker- 
rigan. 

Nevertheless, the discovery was made by an accident. 
Young Samuel Beard, a law student in the office of Conrad 
Shindle, Esq., had, with a companion, that morning ridden 
over to Landsford on the cars. He had seen the murdered 
man directly after he had been shot, and was among the 
first to bring the news to Tamaqua. He was, of course, 
restless and excited, and could not content himself in the 


DOYLE, AND KELLY. 207 


office. On the street the murder was the topic of conversa- 
tion, and among other remarks a man named William Park- 
enson stated, in the hearing of young Beard, that he had 
just seen Jimmy Kerrigan, with two strange men, to the 
west of the town. 

Beard had obtained an inkling of the true character of 
Kerrigan ; and it immediately occurred to him that these 
men might be the murderers. Picking upa small field- or 
spy-glass which was lying in the office, he, with a friend 
named George Priser, proceeded at once to the Odd-Fel- 
lows’ Cemetery, situate on a hill to the west of the town, 
where they concealed themselves, and with the spy-glass 
examined the surrounding country. 

Their efforts were rewarded. Jimmy Kerrigan soon 
showed himself, and, upon his waving his handkerchief as 
a signal, the two other men made their appearance. The 
three then moved to a spring on the side of the mountain, 
where they sat down, not manifesting any intention of 
going immediately away. Young Beard, leaving Priser to 
continue the watch, cautiously made his way out of the 
cemetery and then hurriedly down into the town. 

He was anxious to capture the party, but to take no one 
along for that purpose except such as could be trusted. He 
took his elder brother, John Beard, into his councils, and 
the two together began to muster a force. Wallace Guss, 
a bank officer, was called away from his business. He came 
armed with a navy revolver. William Allebaugh also joined, 
armed with a gun. Mike, the hostler at Beard’s hotel, was 
a willing recruit. 

This occupied some time, and fear was felt that Kerrigan 
and party had left the spring. The party thus collected, in 
their movements up-street, attracted attention; word was 
spread abroad of their mission, and before they reached 
the upper end of the town their number had increased to 
twenty or twenty-five. Here they were met by young 


208 ARREST OF KERRIGAN, 


Priser, who, becoming impatient at the long absence of 
Beard, had called another young man, named William E. 
Hendricks, into the service, to whom he had given the 
spy-glass. Priser reported that Kerrigan and his party were 
still in the bush at the spring. 

It was now thought best to approach them from two 
directions, Kerrigan was well known, but if before their 
approach the strangers could succeed in getting down to 
the railroad and mixing with other men, their escape was 
possible. Wallace Guss, with several others, made a short 
cut to the spring over the hill, whilst the Beards, Allebaugh, 
and the rest of the party passed up the main road. When 
at about twenty yards’ distance pursuers and pursued recog- 
nized the presence of each other. Kerrigan approached 
Guss and his party, whilst Kelly and Doyle moved off at a 
quick walk in another direction. Guss called to Kerrigan, 
telling him to hold up his hands, that it was the other men, 
and not him, they wanted. Kerrigan replied, ‘‘I would 
not hurt you, Wallace.’’ | | 

To prevent a sudden shot from a concealed pistol, the 
order to hold up his hands was insisted upon, and a quick 
movement was made after the two retreating men, whom 
they directed to stop. In the mean time, Allebaugh and 
the others appeared Jower down the hill, and within easy 
shooting distance of the fugitives. Doyle, turning, said 
that he knew his rights and the law, and that he would 
not be stopped in such away. Guss again told him that 
they must turn down to the railroad, or they would be 
killed by the party below. 

The criminals by this time, seeing escape was impossible, 
made a virtue of necessity, and quietly surrendered them- 
selves. A pistol and a billy were found two days after- 
wards secreted a short distance from the spring. ‘The 
arrested men were at once, under guard of a strong force, 
marched into the town. 


DOYLE, AND KELLY. 209 


Mike, the hostler, who is not very familiar with the use 
of fire-arms, marched directly behind Doyle. He was 
awkwardly playing with his pistol, and continually snap- 
ping it near Doyle’s back. Doyle naturally was nervous, 
and said to him, ‘‘ You had better take care, or you will 
shoot me.’’ Mike hardly manifested the proper degree of 
horror at the idea, and grumbled out something to the effect 
that he would not die of grief if he did. 

Kerrigan, Kelly, and Doyle were put in the lock-up, 
about the centre of ‘Tamaqua, and near the rear of Beard’s 
hotel. The badges of the Ancient Order of Hibernians 
were found on Kelly and Doyle, and from them.a portion 
of a letter to Carroll obtained. ‘The crowd had gradually 
gathered in the main street in the neighborhood of Beard’s 
hotel. This was about twelve o’clock, and with each suc- 
ceeding moment the excitement grew more intense. The 
news of the capture very soon reached Carbon County, and 
a number of the Coal and Iron Police, accompanied by a 
crowd of angry Welshmen from the neighborhood of Sum- 
mit Hill, made their appearance. 

The prisoners were recognized by several persons as 
having been seen in the neighborhood of Storm Hill and 
Landsford the day previous, and as with each succeeding 
recognition the identification became more positive, wilder 
and wilder grew the excitement. The murmur ran through 
the crowd that the lock-up should be forced open and the 
prisoners lynched. Angry expressions were rife that the 
law, as to them, would prove as powerless.as in the many 
preceding cases. At this juncture of affairs, John Painter, 
Deputy Sheriff of Carbon, arrived, and demanded the pris- 
oners, in order to take them to the Mauch Chunk jail. As 
there was no question of the fact that the murder had been 
committed in Carbon County, the demand was granted, 
and the prisoners passed into the hands of the Carbon 


County authorities. 
18* 


210 ARREST OF KERRIGAN, 


A train of open cars was in waiting at what is known as 
the New York depot, at Tamaqua, to remove the prisoners. 
This point is about one-third of a mile from Beard’s hotel. 
The prisoners passed this distance under charge of Sheriff 
Painter and a squad of Coal and Iron Policemen. ‘The 
crowd now assembled numbered over fifteen hundred angry 
men, mostly armed. To render the position of the prisoners 
still more insecure, the guard were as much exasperated as 


was the mob by which they were surrounded. The guard 


were mostly Welshmen, of the same nationality as John P. 
Jones. They not only had personal acquaintance with and 
respect for the murdered man, but they bore him personal 
love, and, whilst mourning for him, their hearts were filled 
with pitying tenderness for a bereaved wife and an interest- 
ing family cast unprotected on the world. 

The click of pistols was heard in every direction; oaths 
and execrations marked every step of the progress of the 
party towards the cars. The police demanded order, but 
that magnetism which all know, but no one can fully un- 
derstand, rendered it a patent fact that the miserable men 
could be torn to pieces, limb from limb, and not one in 
that assemblage give even a pitying glance. Only a spark 
was needed to create an explosion, and all knew that what- 
ever outrage might be committed upon those prisoners, 
the law of public opinion would save the perpetrators from 
punishment. . 

That no riot did occur is a flattering commentary upon 
the deep respect for law and order which characterizes the 
masses of the residents of the coal region. 

Only two days before the present tragedy, Thomas Sanger 
and William Uren had been brutally murdered, and the 
assassins had escaped. ‘Two weeks before, Squire Gwither 
had been shot down on the public streets of Girardville be- 
cause he had dared to issue a warrant against a Molly, and 
the murderer was still at large. Two weeks before, on the 


. a es 
a 


DOYLE, AND KELLY. 211 


same day, in the presence of a large. number of people, 
Gomer James had been openly shot at a picnic, and yet no 
one would tell who committed the act. Within two months, 
Policeman Yost, an official of their own town, had been 
shot whilst in the discharge of his duties, and the deed 
seemed clothed in mystery. ‘The last of a series of brutal 
outrages had just been committed, and the assassins, fresh 
from the scene of blood, had fallen into their power. Long 
years of suffering, from the horrors of which no relief had 
appeared possible, were recalled to mind, and the recol- 
lection tended to inflame the masses of the people. The 
concentrated hate against the whole ‘‘ Molly’’ organization 
rose against these three men. ‘They were the first criminals 
arrested whose conviction seemed possible. It was not only 
the substratum of society, those who from want of proper 
education and training could not be expected to hold in 
due regard the machinery of the law, who were aroused, 
but all, the rich and the poor, the official of influence and 
the hewer of wood and drawer of water, felt that redress 
must come in some way ; if not by due course of law, then 
by the strong arm of unorganized force. Had this murder 
occurred in the Far West, on the Pacific coast, the nearest 
tree would have afforded a means for the execution of the 
sentence of Judge Lynch. Had summary vengeance been 
inflicted, the moral sentiment of the community would have 
revolted at the deed, but a long-suffering people, whilst 
not approving, would never have demanded the punishment 
of the offenders. 

The prisoners had escaped present danger. Out of 
Tamaqua they passed with life and limbs in safety. They 
left behind them a mob of wildly-excited men, who, though 
strongly tempted, had yet submitted to the supremacy of 
the law. But they were speeding onward to the home of 
the murdered John P. Jones. At that point the feelings 
of the people had been worked up beyond all restraint. 


272 ARREST OF KERRIGAN, 


There lay the disfigured corse, surrounded by a weeping 
family. From there the news had spread through a thickly- 
populated country, and from all quarters came hosts of 
friends,—outraged, angered, revengeful. 

Word came to them of the mob assembled at Tamaqua, 
and the hope was openly expressed on all sides that the 
murderers had already answered with their lives for the 
crime they had that morning committed. A telegram an- 
nounced that the prisoners had left Tamaqua alive. It was 
received with a yell of dissatisfaction. Preparations were 
at once made to do effective work at Landsford. Where 
the murder had been committed, there should the murder 
be avenged. A mob gathered around the Landsford depot, 
each moment becoming more excited. But there was 
arrangement and fixed purpose. Immediately on the ar- 
rival of the train. the unhappy men were to be seized and 
instantly killed. 

Too much credit cannot be given William D. Zehner, 
the superintendent of the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal 
Company, for his presence of mind on this occasion. His 
“feelings were as much aroused as those of any one present. 
He had had intimate business and social intercourse with 
the man now murdered, and he also knew that the “‘ Molly” 
was lying in wait to take his own life. But he felt the 
responsibility of his position; he foresaw the entire dis- 
organization of society in that neighborhood which would 
follow the lynching of these men, and he determined to 
pass them on in safety if possible. 

The Landsford depot is situated near the western en- 
trance of the Nesquehoning tunnel. The depot building 
before which the train usually stops is located on a small 
branch of the main track. Around the depot the mob had 
assembled, waiting the arrival of the prisoners. 

The train came in sight. The prey was apparently within 
reach, when, with a wild yell of disappointment, they saw 


DOYLE, AND KELLY. 213 


it fly down the main track and into the tunnel. Unob- 
served by them, under Mr. Zehner’s direction, the railroad 
switch had been turned. The murderers were still safe. 

At Mauch Chunk the general public had received no 
news of the expected arrivals. Telegraphic information 
on that point was not permitted. Asa consequence, the 
arrested men were taken from the cars and to the ’squire’s 
office for commitment without difficulty. But the news 
spread in an incredibly short space of time. A mob again 
assembled, and a new danger threatened. Cries of ‘kill 
them !’’ “hang them!’’ came from all sides. But better 
counsels prevailed. General Albright and General Lilly 
claimed to be heard, and both addressed the crowd. They 
accomplished their purpose. The mob reluctantly yielded, 
and, amidst curses and execrations, the prison-doors closed 
on Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly as yet unharmed. 

That these prisoners have been left to the judgment of 
legal tribunals, that the madness of the hour did not then 
rule, the coal regions and the world have reason to be thank- 
ful. Owing to the safe transportation of the prisoners 
to Mauch Chunk that day, and their commitment to 
prison there, the era of the supremacy of law has dawned 
more quickly than could have been possible had mob law 
prevailed. With the arrest and imprisonment of Kerrigan, 
Kelly, and Doyle, the end of the ‘‘ Molly’’ reign ap- 
proached. 

As might naturally be expected, during this scene of ex- 
citement, McKenna sought the points where he could best 
obtain information. He had, however, by this time become 
known to a number of people in Tamaqua, and was re- 
garded with suspicion as being a leading ‘‘ Molly.”’ 

He was in more danger than he was himself aware, not 
only during this day, but in the weeks immediately suc- 
eeding. Shortly after the news of the murder reached 
Tamaqua, a crowd clustered on the pavement in front of a 


~ 


A 


214 ARREST. OF KERRIGAN, 


drug-store, engaged in the discussion of the absorbing topic. 
McKenna was in the store, and was observed to be listen- 
ing with interest to everything that was said. Attention 
being called to that fact, the crowd, regarding him with 
looks of hatred, moved to another point. 

He was now anxious to obtain evidence which would 
render the conviction of the prisoners sure, and for so 
doing his open and avowed attachment to Miss Mary Ann 
Hegins was of great service. It rendered him, however, a 
subject of still greater dislike to the citizens of Tamaqua. 
He desired not only to learn the details of the line of 
defense that would be adopted, which he knew of course 
would be an ‘‘alibi,’’ but also to possess himself of all 
evidence, documentary and otherwise, that would tend to 
commit the prisoners, without himself appearing on the 
witness-stand. 

The officers of the law appeared at Kerrigan’s house with 
a search-warrant when McKenna was present. ‘This was 
too favorable an opportunity for him to let pass without 
showing his devotion not only to the interest of the 
** Molly Maguires’’ but also to the special charms of Miss 
Hegins. The constables were, of course, in the strict line 
of their duty, but that did not save them from a tirade of 
abuse from the family, in which McKenna, with great zeal, ~ 
joined, at such invasion of the rights of the citizen. 
Such a torrent of invective poured from his lips that their 
patience was exhausted, and he was told that their acts were 
not his business. He insisted that it was well for them it 
was.not in his house they were; nevertheless, he said, he 
had rights,—that he was paying attention to Kerrigan’s 
sister-in-law, and’ he did not intend to let them act in the 
manner they were doing without his resenting it. The 
officers found nothing of importance, but the interest he 
manifested induced the family to give him all the papers in 
their possession to take care of. McKenna proved to the 


DOYLE, AND KELLY. 215 


world that whatever might be the troubles of James Kerri- 
gan, neither his love nor interest in the family could be 
shaken by their misfortunes. He displayed his devotion 
in an open manner when in Tamaqua. Ona Sunday he 
accompanied his lady-love to church, and he was always 
ready with sympathy, counsel, and advice. 

Whilst this course of conduct on the part of McKenna 
increased the assurance already felt by the family in his 
disinterested attachment and induced the fullest confi- 
dence, it added to the dislike felt for him by many of the 
citizens of Tamaqua, by whom he was noticed, and in- 
spired the suspicion that he was himself connected with 
the frequent murders of the past few months. He was re- 
garded by many as having escaped the meshes of the law, 
and the question was discussed among some as to whether 
the ends of justice would not be subserved by a bullet, as 
quick and sure as that of the ‘‘ Molly’’ but sped by a differ- 
ent hand. So wide-spread had this feeling become, that 
an inkling of it reached the ears of Michael Beard and 
Daniel Shepp. The feelings of both of these gentlemen 
were deeply excited against the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization ; 
but they were loyal citizens, regarding with deep respect 
the sanctity of the law. On this account they severally, 
whenever and wherever practicable, counseled against its 
flagrant violation. ‘To render their actions in this behalf 
the more earnest, it will be remembered that whilst no 
confidence had been extended to them by Mr. Franklin, 
of the Pinkerton Agency, as to the instrument employed, 
they knew a detective was in their midst, and some circum- 
stances had engendered a suspicion in their minds that 
McKenna might be the man. | 

The danger in which the detective was placed can well 
be conceived. He was in a town in which the very great 
majority of the citizens held themselves as entirely ex- 
empt from ‘‘ Molly’’ influence and control and were unde1 


216 ARREST OF KERRIGAN, DOYLE, AND KELLY. 


intense excitement at the outrages committed. ‘The fre- 
quency of the murders at the collieries, and in more strictly 
mining towns, had to some extent rendered them familiar y 
but the shooting of Policeman Yost in the public streets, 
and the open, defiant manner of the more recent murders, 
had inspired a fear that no place was secure. 

It is no wonder, therefore, that McKenna should be 
regarded with intense dislike. From the nature of his busi- 
ness, he was obliged not only to be an avowed ‘‘ Molly,”’ 
but also to display openly his sympathy with the murderers. 
This he also displayed by his association with the family 
of Kerrigan, and in companionship with those looked upon 
with the most suspicion, when visiting Tamaqua. It is 
probable that the knowledge of the fact that there was a 
detective in the coal region, which was now possessed by 
quite a number of persons, and the possibility of his being 
the man, may have saved McKenna’s life. 

But whilst McKenna, the ‘‘ Molly,’’ was increasing the 
confidence in which he was held by his associates and be- 
coming detested by the better class of citizens, McParlan, 
the detective, had won golden opinions from those aware 
of the valuable information that he had given. His dis- 
covery of the Yost murderers, and others in contemplation, 
was known, among others, to Charles Parrish, president of 
the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Company. i 

To Mr. Gowen belongs the credit of having inaugurated 
measures and consistently persisted in a policy which has, 
it is hoped, broken the power of the ‘‘ Molly’’ organiza- 
tion; but there has been no\more earnest and efficient 
assistance than that rendered by the Lehigh and Wilkes-— 
barre Coal Company, under the lead of Mr. Parrish, its 
president. Money, time, labor, skill, and earnest atten- 
tion. have been freely offered and devoted to this end. 
When Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly were arrested, under 
the direction of this company, no effort was spared not 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 217 


only to collect all possible evidence as to the guilt of those 
prisoners, but also to render available the clue offered to 
discover the criminals of the past. 

But the power of organized capital, combined with the 
vast machinery of the Pinkerton Agency, has its limits. 
Shortly after the murder of John P. Jones, Mr. Parrish, in 
conversation with Mr. Franklin, requested that a half-dozen 
additional detectives such as the one at Tamaqua should 
be sent into the coal regions. ‘‘ For a million of dollars 
I can’t send one at present,’’ answered Franklin; ‘‘ it has 
taken years to give him his present position, and his equal 
in other respects is by no means common. Whatever 
agencies we may possess are at your command; but we 
cannot send a first-class detective of this kind at a day’s 
notice.’’ 

It was true: men of the rare combination of qualities 
possessed by McParlan are not procured on demand. 

Upon the life and safety of the rough-looking <‘ Molly”? 
who loafed at Jim Carroll’s and courted the sister-in-law 
of the murderer James Kerrigan depended to a great extent 
the future of the anthracite coal region. 


CHAPTER xX XI) 


. 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN—THE ELECTION OF 1875. 


THE arrest of Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly created some 
uneasiness among the whole body of ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ 
throughout the anthracite coal-fields, but not that alarm 
which, under the circumstances, might reasonably be ex- 
pected. It was true that even in their view a formidable 
case would be presented on behalf’of the Commonwealth ; 

19 


218 THE MOLLY AStA -POLLTICIAN, 


but past experience in desperate cases had given them 
abiding faith in the power ofan ‘‘alibi.’’ The character of 
the alibi was soon determined upon, and a number of the 
witnessés quickly selected. No difficulty was anticipated 
in obtaining all that might be required. 

Alec Campbell, immediately after the arrests were inde 
was much agitated, and denounced Kerrigan’s mismanage- 
ment after so ‘‘clean a job’’ had been done. He should 
have had no difficulty in taking the perpetrators back to 
Mount Laffee. Campbell was, however, at once ready with 
a plan to raise money to employ counsel, and had settled 

upon the exact nature of the defense. His method of ob- 
- taining money was to call upon the organization in Carbon 
County to do its utmost, and to ask aid from other coal- 
region counties. He was ready himself to make great 
personal sacrifices. 

To account for Kerrigan’s absence from Tamaqua, wit- 
nesses were to be produced showing that he had on the 2d 
of September been at Yorktown, Luzerne County, attend- 
ing a funeral, from which he only returned on the 34d, after 
the commission of the murder. So far as Doyle and Kelly 
were concerned, a large number of witnesses were to prove 
their presence in Pottsville and Mount Laffee at such an hour 
on the morning of the day of the assassination as to render 
their commission of the crime impossible. 

He was himself to look after Kerrigan’s witnesses, whilst 
Jerry Kane, the body-master of Mount Laffee, and parties 
about Pottsville were to attend to the details in obtaining 
witnesses for Doyle and Kelly. 

Of the storm soon to burst upon their heads no one had 
the slightest conception, and. least of all had the ‘‘ Mol- 
lies.’ In the month of August, at a court held in Schuyl- 
kill County, Patrick Conroy, ex County Commissioner and 
“¢ Molly Maguire,’’ Moses Hine and Valentine Benner; then 
Commissioners, had been convicted of misappropriating 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 219 


county funds to their own use, and had been sentenced by 
a full bench to two years’ imprisonment respectively. _ 

It is true that of the persons convicted only one was a 
** Molly Maguire,’’ but the two others.were of that class of 
politicians (one a Democrat and the other a Republican) 
from whom they received countenance and support. 

** Molly’’ supremacy in township affairs was also threat- 
ened. The court of Schuylkill County had appointed special 
auditors for several of the townships, who were attending 
to their duties thoroughly and vigorously. There were 
also members of the order who were undergoing terms of 
imprisonment for whom pardons were anxiously desired. 

The murders and other outrages committed during the 
preceding months had been of such frequent occurrence and 
so bold in execution as to create outspoken denunciation, 
especially in the larger towns, and after the arrests made in 
Tamaqua. ‘The danger of severe retaliation was beginning 
to be feared. This sudden boldness was to a great extent 
owing to the absolute necessity for self-protection, but was 
very materially increased by the defiant attitude of the 
Shenandoah Herald, published by Thomas Foster, who was 
ably assisted in the editorial department by Thomas B. 
Fielder, Esq. 

The position taken hy these gentlemen startled the whole 
**Molly’’ organization. ‘To denounce them in Scranton, 
Wilkesbarre, or Pottsville would evoke their curses but 
would be comparatively safe, but to enter upon the boldest 
and most aggressive warfare ever attempted against them, 
and that, too, in the borough of Shenandoah, their great 
stronghold, was like bearding the lion in his den. 

Warnings and cautions given by friends to the publisher 
and editor were frequent, as were also the threats of mem- 
bers of the organization against both the property and per- 
sons of these gentlemen. Regardless of both warnings and 
threats, they pursued the course marked out, and as a con- 


220 THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 


sequence, even in Shenandoah, a party in open opposition 
to ‘* Molly’’ supremacy soon rallied. 

The arrest of the murderers of John P. Jones had, how- 
ever, inspired some caution, and the result of their trial 

was anxiously awaited before the commission of other mur- 
ders then in contemplation. 

Nevertheless, at this time the attitude of the ‘‘ Molly’’ 
was a fearless one. That their organization was criminal 
they never dreamed could be believed, notwithstanding 
the suspicions that were gaining ‘ground. They still con- 
trolled township affairs in many places, and were flattered 
and caressed by a powerful political element. A guber- 
natorial election was approaching. This was sought to be 
made a means by which their power could be maintained. 
As in years gone by, they were ready to. sell their votes 
either for the purposes of personal gain or for’ promised 
pardons. “ 

Although so recognized among themselves, the name of 
‘* Molly Maguire’’ was disavowed in their intercourse with 
those not members of the society. The name and charter 
of the Ancient Order of Hibernians were not only intended 
to deceive, but actually did deceive, a large portion of the 
community. 

It was hard to believe that a society that held conven- 
tions at hotels and halls, on public streets, in the broad 
light of day, in the very centre of large towns, was being 
run in the interest of murderers and for the purposes of 
crime. Asa consequence, the open denial of membership 
of the ‘‘ Molly’’ society, combined with denunciation of 
its crimes, met with great success.* It was only when the 
testimony of McParlan was given, and corroborated in its 
main features, that the true facts of the case were generally 
understood. | 





* As a specimen of ‘‘ Molly”’ tactics, see the letter of Jack Kehoe to the 
Shenandoah Herald, published in the Appendix. 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 221 


That in the various bargains and sales made with these 
miscreants for political purposes the purchasers had only 
partial knowledge of the thoroughness of the criminal or- 
ganization should in reality form no plea in mitigation of 
the condemnation with which, its full character known, it 
must be regarded. Universal corruption in politics is as 
much of a blow to the life of the nation as is the ‘* Molly’’ 
bullet to the life of the victim. | 

Yet so it is; extended and frequent political corruption 
has become so common throughout the country, that the 
judgment of many of those who in the business and private 
relations of life are good and pure men is to some extent 
biased, and such corruption, if not openly approved, is not 
condemned, 

The great mass of the citizens of the United States would 
sincerely rejoice were there absolute certainty of the hon- 
esty of elections and the purity of the ballot-box. Never- © 
theless, the mass of those citizens, like the mass of mankind, 
are partisan in their nature. They fall naturally into, par- 
tisan politics, and during election excitements become pos- 
sessed with an intense desire for success. 

Success attained, the charge of dishonest means used is 
not, as a rule, investigated, will not be believed, is indig- 
nantly denied. When the proof is forced and is irresist- 
ible, it is answered with a counter-charge, too often well 
founded, of corruption on the other side. 

The hackneyed quotation of 


“The good old rule 
Sufficeth them, the simple plan 
That they should take who had the power, 
And they should keep who can,” 


like most hackneyed quotations, illustrates a great truth, 
and to no subject has it more apt application than to par- 


tisan politics. In the struggle for power success is too often 
19* 


222 THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 


held to justify any means by which it is attained. The suc- 
cessful partisan, however honest, is triumphant, and does 
not desire to scrutinize too closely, whilst the unsuccess- 
ful, frequently embarrassed by his own misdeeds, is unable 
to lose the time and bear the expense necessary to bring 
offenders to justice. No matter how flagrant the fraud, the 
attempt would be made not only with no sympathy from, but 
even against the active resistance of, the successful party. 

As a consequence, the unscrupulous and debased_ poli- 
tician too often fraudulently manipulates elections, whilst 
the honest and well-disposed voters, who make up the 
great mass of the people, quietly acquiesce. 

That great demoralization exists is a recognized fact, 
but that fraud clearly proven does not receive general 
sanction is equally true. 

This is demonstrated in the popularity of the general 
demand for reform, and in the claims made by all parties 
that in their success the desired end can be reached. The 
corruptionist in politics, however, like the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guire’’ of the anthracite coal-fields, is among his fellows 
open and avowed in his iniquity, and, again like the 
*¢ Molly,’’ claims admiration and honor on account of the 
successful perpetration of crime. 

The ‘‘ Molly Maguires,’’ Irishmen, or the sons of Irish- 
men, like the great mass of their countrymen, naturally 
sympathize with the Democratic party; yet that their 
votes and influence have been held as a matter of bargain 
and sale for years past is beyond mere suspicion, it cannot 
be controverted. 3 

It was under the patronage of the politician that the order 
had acquired its strength, and flattered by his caresses it felt 
its omnipotence for evil. By combination the ‘Molly’’ 
obtained money; by combination he could give full scope 
to his evil passions; through combination he hoped for 
pardons, was courted, caressed, was a man of influence. 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 223 


At the time of the murder of John P. Jones the *‘ Mollies’’ 
were eagerly pressing upon the Democratic party the claims 
of Patrick Collins, body-master of Palo Alto, for nomina- 
tion to’ the office of County Commissioner of Schuylkill 
County. The conviction and sentence of two of the three 
Commissioners, and the appointment of Lewis C. Dougherty 
and Michael Beard, had been a blow to their influence in 
the management of county affairs, and the nomination and 
election of Collins, in both of which they were successful, 
were regarded as of great importance. 

In this matter McKenna, in his efforts to maintain his 
position, was exceedingly active. He was at Pottsville on 
the 13th of September, the day of the convention, and, 
although not a member of the body, was on the outside, as 
earnest and loud in the advocacy of Collins’s claims as his 
most devoted friends could desire. 

Hon. Cyrus L. Pershing, President Judge of the Schuyl- 
kill district, received the Democratic nomination for Gov- 
ernor. Throughout the coal region, and especially in 
Schuylkill County, the nomination was exceedingly popu- 
lar, and by none was more cordial approbation professed 
than by the leaders ofthe Ancient Order of Hibernians. 
Large numbers of Republicans expressed their determina- 
tion to vote for him, and openly advocated his election. 

In Philadelphia, however, at a very early day in the 
canvass, assertions were made as coming from Republican 
headquarters that Judge Pershing would be defeated in the 
anthracite coal regions, and especial stress was laid on the 
fact that he would be beaten in his own county of Schuyl- | 
kill. The confidence displayed on this point was great, 
and bets were offered by Republicans in some instances of 
a majority against, and in others of but a very small major- 
ity in favor of, the Democratic candidate in Schuylkill 
County. 

News of these assertions were carried to Democratic 


224 THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 


headquarters, and Hon. H. B. Wright, the Chairman of 
the Committee, fresh from Luzerne County, was, with all 
others present, utterly at a loss to account for the confi- 
dence manifested by the Republicans. All the news at 
that time received from the coal regions, from the Demo- 
cratic stand-point, had been of the most cheering character. 

It was suggested that there might have been an agree- 
ment to purchase the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ vote and influence ; 
but for the time being the idea was not entertained. The 
nomination of Judge Pershing had been received with 
apparent enthusiasm by those supposed to be leading 
~ * Mollies’’ and by the Irish element generally, That such 
anticipations were entertained by the Republican party 
the Democratic party of the coal regions first learned 
from Philadelphia. They were taken completely by sur- 
prise; large accessions from the Republican ranks had 
been promised, and not even an intimation given of any 
disaffection existing. 

Very soon, however, leading Republicans of the coal 
region displayed a confidence equal to that of their Phila- 
delphia brethren, and bets as to but a small majority in 
the coal-region counties were freely offered.* Rumors be- 
came current that the convicted County Commissioners 
were to be pardoned in the event of the re-election of 
General Hartranft, the Republican candidate for Governor, 
and that money was to be paid for ‘‘ Molly’’ votes and 
‘¢ Molly’’ influence. 

That there was any serious loss of the Irish vote to the 
Democratic party was by them earnestly denied, especially 
in Schuylkill County, where the election of Patrick Collins 
as County Commissioner was to many of them a paramount 


* It is not intended that it should be understood that the bargain with 
leading ‘‘ Mollies’’ was made in Philadelphia. The matter was negotiated 
in Schuylkill County. But before the bargain was closed leading Repub- 
lican politicians in Philadelphia were consulted. 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 225 


object. An open opposition to Judge Pershing they feared 
might affect the vote of Collins. Collins himself professed, 
and may have felt, great devotion to the Democratic can- 
didate for Governor, and utterly denied that he was himself 
a ‘Molly Maguire.’’ ‘This, it is to be presumed, was on 
the assumption that he was only a member of the Ancient 
Order of Hibernians,—a distinction since shown to be 
without a difference, so far as the anthracite coal regions 
are concerned. 

That the purchase of such vote for General Hartranft 
was made in the interest of the Republican party was 
testified to in October, 1876, by John J. Slattery, when 
examined as a witness in the trial of Yellow Jack Donahue 
for the murder of Morgan Powell. Slattery testified that 
he and Jack Kehoe were, on the part of the ‘‘ Mollies,’’ 
parties to the contract; that the persons with whom they 
made the contract were two Republicans of influence, and 
also a professed Democrat who was opposing -the elec- 
tion of Judge Pershing; that the consideration was a certain 
amount of money in hand paid, and a certain amount 
contingent on results, and that it was understood in the 
order that pardons were to be granted the Commissioners 
and other criminals; that he had himself arranged for 
the purchase of the ‘‘ Molly’’ vote in Luzerne County, 
and that the money was carried there for that purpose by 
a person from* Harrisburg, a messenger in the Executive 
department, whom he named.* Slattery also testified to 
the fact that a large amount of money was to be sent to 
Pittsburg to purchase the order there. 

The facts, as stated by Slattery, so far as the payment of 
money is concerned, have been admitted. It is maintained, 


* The writer does not intend, even by innuendo, to make any charge 
against Governor Hartranft. He is assured, by those who probably under- 
stand this matter, of his entire ignorance of the transaction. This the 
friends of Governor Hartranft will readily credit. 

k* 


226 THE MOLLY AS*A POLITICIAN, 


however, that it was not for the purchase of the ‘‘ Molly”’ 
vote; that at the interviews with Slattery and Kehoe 
nothing was said as to pardons; that the money was paid 
for legitimate expenses. As against the oath of a con- 
victed ‘‘ Molly Maguire,’’ the mere assertion of the parties 
he implicates in a disreputable transaction should have 
great weight. 

But the corroboration of Slattery in the admission of the 
payment of the money substantially establishes his whole 
testimony. He does not assert that there was any agree- 
ment made between the contracting parties on the sub- 
ject of pardons. He says, ‘‘ Though there was no regular 
agreement, it was well understood between ourselves and 
the men who paid us the money that when necessary we 
were to get pardons for our men.’’ * 


* Shenandoah Herald, October 23, 1876. 

Extract from Slattery’s evidence: 

Question.—For this money that you received you were to use all your 
influence among the men of your order in favor of the Governor ? 

Answer.—Yes, sir. The entire ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ vote was to be cast 
for Hartranft, and Kehoe was to write to every county delegate in the 
State; and wherever there was a branch of the order in the State their in- 
fluence and votes were to be cast for Hartranft; and before we got the 
money Kehoe showed them how strong the order was all over the State. 

Question.—Were any other means used to gain the “‘ Molly Maguire” 
vote in any other part of the State? 

Answer.—Yes, sir. I fixed matters for Luzerne County. 

Question.—Was any money in addition to the sums you have mentioned 
to be used in any other part of the State? was any money to be used in 
Pittsburg ? 

Answer.—Yes, sir. More money was to be paid to the head men of the 
order in Pittsburg. 

On the subject of pardons: 

Question.—Did you or the order ever obtain any pardons for the man- 
ner in which the ‘‘ Molly Maguire” vote was cast? 

Answer.—Well, I had nothing to do with anything of the kind myself, 
but it was well understood that it was through the order that McCloskey 
and Tobin, and the County Commissioners and others, were pardoned ; and 

4 


. 


THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN. 227 


The money was certainly paid for a purpose. When 
that money was paid to John Kehoe, the County Delegate, 
and John J. Slattery, a leading ‘‘ Molly,’’ it is to be as- 
sumed that the persons who negotiated, and the persons 
from abroad who paid, knew exactly what was intended to 
be done. On the supposition that any of these gentlemen 
were at all surprised at the delivery of the ‘‘ Molly’’ vote 
on election-day a theory of innocence might be estab- 
lished, but it would ‘be of innocence accompanied by a de- 
gree of ‘‘verdancy’’ not at all enviable, and not generally 
attributed to any of the parties concerned. 

In the county of Schuylkill, Judge Pershing had about 
the usual Democratic majority. The loss in ‘‘ Molly’’ 
strongholds was overcome by gains in other districts. 

When the bargain was made, it is not only probable, it is 
certain, that the full criminal nature of the order was not 
understood ; but whether or not the vote had been pur- 
chased was widely discussed, and upon that point leading 
Republicans were confident and the great body of the 
Democrats fearful. 

In this matter the parties concerned are neither better 
nor worse than many others who have engaged in similar 
transactions. In the general exposé of ‘‘ Molly’? rit 
this one transaction has come to light. It was not the 
first purchase of the order, but it is to be hoped it will be 
the last. 

The evil has its being not in the parties to this transac- 
tion, but in an idea prevalent among politicians of all par- 
ties, that ‘‘anything is fair in politics.’’ It is this per- 
nicious doctrine that has induced very many men in other 
respects of high character to do things which neither their 
conscience nor their judgment approved. 


Barney Dolan, the County Delegate of the Ancient Order of Hibernians 
before John Kehoe, obtained the pardon of ‘ Bear’ Dolan by promising 
the ‘“‘ Molly Maguire’’ vote. 


228 THE MOLLY AS A POLITICIAN, 


It would not be just to the Board of Pardons or to 
Governor Hartranft to hold them. responsible because the 
** Mollies’’ had an understanding relative to such pardons 
among themselves. 

Slattery testifies that the promised pardons of Tobin and 
of the Commissioners were used to influence votes, and yet 
in both of these cases the petitions for pardon were signed ° 
by men of unquestionable character of both political par- . 
ties. There are many men who approved and advocated 
both of these pardons who have not only no sympathy with 
the order, but are even bitterly opposed to it. 

It required skill and management so to conduct the 
business of pardons as to influence the ‘‘Molly’’ vote and 
at the same time receive indorsements from good citizens; 
but the manipulators were equal to the occasion. . 

When, however, in connection with rumors and expecta- 
' tion on the part of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ the pardons are seen to 
be granted without the petitions being signed by either the 
judge before whom the case was tried or the district at- 
torney who prosecuted, and this in direct violation of the 
established rules of the Board of Pardons, that “suspicion 
should arise was but natural. 

It has been necessary to consider this subject. It is a 
part of the history of the organization. It strikingly illus- 
trates its power and importance. Many murders had been 
committed in which it was believed that members of the 
order were implicated. Arrests had been made.~ The 
bitterness of feeling against the order in many sections of 
the region was intense. But it was still defiant, still arro- 
gant. It demanded from one party the nomination of one 
of its members to an important county office, and the 
other, recognizing and respecting its power, pandered to 
its vices and purchased it. 

In October, 1875, it was feared and courted by both 
political parties. 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 229 


That the leaders of this organization should be admitted 
to friendly intercourse with respectable men is explainable 
by the fact that, even in the theatre of their crimes, in the 
very midst of their operations, where manifestations of 
their power for evil are visible on every side, it was not 
in ordinary human nature to conceive its extent and ter- 
rible nature. 

It is hardly probable that the ‘*‘ Molly Maguire’’ can in 
the future exercise any potent influence in politics. Of the 
worst of the order, many are confined within prison-walls, 
others are outcasts and fugitives, and still others are trem- 
bling lest in the developments being made their crimes shall 
come to light. 

It is hoped the day of at least comparative honesty in 
politics will come. In the demand for reform the masses 
of the people are in earnest. Their earnest wish may not 
forever be defied. The fate of the Tweed ring in New York, 
of the whisky rings in Chicago and St. Louis, and of the 
canal ring in New York, the investigation of custom-house 
frauds, and lastly the downfall of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ 
of the anthracite coal-fields, may well serve as warnings to 
evil-doers, however arrogant, proud, and of present power, 
that the end is inevitable, and that the way of the trans- 
gressor is hard. 


SNS UES GS ND RS, Pa BI 
THE AUTUMN OF 1875—WAITING FOR THE TRIALS. 


To no one did the arrest of the murderers of John P. 
Jones give more thorough satisfaction than to Charles W. 
Parrish, Esq., the president of the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre 
Coal Company. Mr. Parrish has long experience and 


intimate knowledge of the coal region and practical coal- 
20 


230 THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 


mining on an extended scale. When the policy of form- 
ing great coal-mining companies was adopted, he was in- 
fluential in the formation of the company of which he is 
president. 

To render the lands of his company valuable, he, like 
Mr. Gowen, was fully impressed with the necessity of less- 
ening the overgrown power of the ‘‘ Labor Union’’ and of | 
absolutely exterminating, if possible, the Molly Maguires. 

When in the month of August, 1875, he learned of the 
work being done by the detective at Tamaqua, he fully ap- 
preciated its importance to coal-mining interests and to 
life and property throughout the coal regions. When 
Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly were committed to prison at 
Mauch Chunk, he felt that the time for energetic action 
on the part of his company had arrived. 

It was speedily ascertained, through information derived 
from McParlan, that the proper parties had been arrested, 
but to defeat the ‘‘alibi,’’ it was feared, would be difficult. 
The ‘‘ Mollies’’ were in the heyday of their power and in- 
fluence, and it was only too likely that fear of sudden and 
dreadful death would close the mouths of witnesses in this 
as in the many cases that had preceded it. 

To counteract the influence of this terrorism the efforts 
of the civil authorities, backed with the money, the power, 
and the influence of the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Com- 
pany, were evoked ; and as the assassination of Yost had 
_ been perpetrated by men from Carbon County in consid- 
eration of the murder of Jones, the cost of their prosecu- 
tion was also assumed by the company. 

The assassination of Jones had excited intense indigna- 
tion in the locality where it had been committed, and the 
determined stand taken by the company inspired courage. 
At this juncture the Commonwealth was fortunate in hav- 
ing the services of General Charles Albright, the legal 
adviser of the coal company. With a full conception of 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 231 


the importance of the case, no item of evidence was too 
small, no detail too laborious, to engage his attention. 
Availing himself of the ample resources at his command, 
the amount of labor he accomplished is almost incredi- 
ble. His note-book is a curiosity, but, judging from its 
size and the amount of information it contains, it must be 
_ written ina short-hand understood only by himself. It isa 
compendium of testimony,—a perfect store-house of knowl- 
edge of witnesses, of ‘‘ Mollies,’’ their wives, their per- 
sonal habits, and their relations. Rapidly but surely a 
preparation of the case was made that has scarcely a 
parallel in the annals of criminal jurisprudence. 

In accomplishing this end McKenna was of great service. 
He did not come in contact with, nor was he the person 
known to, General Albright, or, in fact, to any one in his 
official capacity, except to his immediate employers, the 
Pinkerton Agency. But through information derived from 
him not only was the work of the Commonwealth greatly 
facilitated, but a complete knowledge of the whole theory 
of the defense, and the means taken to establish the ‘‘alibi’’ 
which was to be set up on the trial, was obtained. 

The intimate relations which McKenna had with the 
family of James Kerrigan, and his apparent devotion to 
his sister-in-law, as well as his position as a leading 
‘“Molly,’’ justified the deep interest which he manifested, 
and caused him to be consulted upon every step taken for 
the defense. 

That he displayed great activity in this matter it is un- 
necessary to say. He urged the raising of money to fee 
lawyers. He consulted with Mulhearn, a young lawyer,— 
an Irishman,—who went to Mount Laffee for the purpose 
of looking up the witnesses for the ‘‘alibi’’ to be set up for 
Doyle and Kelly. He was one of the managers of a ball 
given at the old Town Hall, in Pottsville, by the Ancient 
Order of Hibernians, the understood object of which was 


232 ' THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 


to raise funds to aid in the defense of the accused mur- 
derers of John P. Jones; and he was at the ball, the wildest 
Irishman of them all, ready for anything,—to dance, to 
drink, to sing, or to fight. 

Immediately succeeding the murder of John P. Jones, 
the services of McKenna were appreciated to their fullest 
extent, not only by the Pinkerton Agency, but also by 
those by whom the Agency had been employed. He had 
now attained such a position in the order that the acquisi- 
tion of knowledge of crimes, past and present, was be- 
coming comparatively easy; but all his energies were fully 
taxed. 

He was still engaged in his investigations of the mur- 
ders done in years past; he was on the alert to ‘guard 
against and report contemplated crime, and every move of 
the defense of the Jones murderers required his special 
attention. 

The Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company 
had acquired an extent of information relative to perpe- 
trated crimes that rendered the desire for full information 
more intense, whilst the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal 
Company became hopeful that through him the history of 
outrages in Carbon and Luzerne Counties, long buried in 
the mists of the past, would be discovered, and the long- 
undetected criminal be called to answer at the bar of justice. 

As the resources and opportunities of McKenna had 
enlarged, the theatre of his operations became more ex- 
tended, and a well-founded hope was felt that, in time 
and by patient work, the full scope and object of the An- 
cient Order of Hibernians, whether criminal or otherwise, 
not only in the coal regions, but also throughout the 
United States and Great Britain, would be to a certainty 
discovered. 

In the autumn of 1875, in connection with his other 
duties, he spent the greater portion of several months in 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 233 


Luzerne County, obtaining more full and detailed knowl- 
edge of the operations of the organization there, and also 
keeping in view the movements of certain persons known 
by him to be criminals. 

During this time the authorities of Schuylkill County 
were actively engaged. From information derived through 
the detective the perpetrators of very many outrages and 
murders, old and new, had become known to them; and 
George R. Kaercher, Esq., the efficient and able District 
Attorney, was doing his utmost to obtain the necessary 
evidence to justify arrests. To do this without exciting 
suspicion was difficult. The detective was actively at work. 
but, independently of him as a witness, it was feared that 
sufficient evidence could not be produced at that time to 
hold the guilty parties to answer as against a writ of habeas. 
corpus. 

Those who could have been so held were generally the 
minor offenders, whose arrest would have put the greater 
criminals on their guard. So far as practicable, the places 
of residence of those known to be guilty were kept in view. 

But as the time for the trial of the Jones murderers 
approached, the confidence of both the Commonwealth 
and the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ organization increased. . The 
counsel for the prosecution had in that case gathered such 
a mass of testimony as to render, to their minds, convic- 
tion certain; whilst on the part of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ the exact 
character of the alibi had been fully determined upon in 
all its details,—there existed no difficulty in obtaining any 
desired number of witnesses to swear to it. ‘The necessary 
funds they felt assured would be raised, either directly by 
or through the influence of the organization. 

Of their acquittal very many felt assured at an early day ; 
for example, at a convention held at Shenandoah, for the 
purpose of raising funds for the defense, as early as the 
2oth of September, Thomas Munley told McKenna that 

\ 20* 


a 


234 THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 


he had informed a number of ‘‘ Mollies’’ that he and 
Darcy were the murderers of Jones. He begged McKenna 
not to expose him; that it was well known among a 
number of the organization that he had killed Sanger, 
and he wanted the additional honor of having it believed 
that he had also murdered Jones; that, if McKenna did 
not contradict him, there would be no difficulty on this 
point, as Kerrigan, Doyle, and Kelly would certainly prove 
an-** alibi.’ 

The case had been fixed for trial at Mauch Chunk on the 
19th of October, 1875. The cause was continued at-the 
instance of the prisoners, who alleged defect in the sum- 
moning of jurors. The question presented was a doubtful 
one, and the court decided the point in favor of the 
prisoners. : 

But during this time the hope of the conviction of 
the arrested prisoners, the outspoken denunciations of the 
order by the public press, especially by the Shenandoah 
fTerald,—published in the very centre of their power,—and 
the determined stand of the Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal 
Company, not only were breaking down the terrorism ex- 
isting, but had also roused a bitter desire for revenge. 
Owing to the fury inspired in the order by the arrest of 
Kerrigan, Kelly, and Doyle, outrages at first were frequent, 
‘and still more were threatened. ‘‘‘Coffin notices’’ were 
of daily occurrence. But they were disregarded and de- 
fied, and counter-notices served on leading ‘‘ Mollies’’ that 
retaliation in a tenfold degree would be inflicted.* The 
‘*Molly’’ was startled, indignant, and surprised, but learned: 
to respect to some extent an opposition which he had not 
deemed possible. 


* As some indication of the state of feeling at this time, attention is 
called to the following extracts from the public press. Articles of the samé 
nature were published daily: 

Communication to Shenandoah Herald, September 17, 1875. ‘It is 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 235 


Shenandoah was not only the stronghold of the ‘* Mol- 
lies,’’ but soon in the coal regions became the stronghold 
of the opposition. In that place the bitterness of feeling 
was intense, and it increased day by day, until on the even- 
ing of Saturday, the gth of October, it appeared to have 
reached the culminating point. That night is remembered 
there as the “‘night of terror.’’ Early in the evening a 
feeling of uneasiness seemed to pervade the whole town,— 
how or why no one could tell. 

Between six and seven o’clock in the evening an Irishman 
named John Heffron walked into the National Hotel and 
stepped up to Daniel Williams, who was behind the bar, 
pulled out a revolver, and, pointing it at him, asked how 
he would like some of that. Williams said, ‘‘ Not at all,’’ 
when Heffron, turning, fired into the street. Fortunately, 
no one was injured. Heffron was arrested and taken be- 
fore Burgess Conners, who took away the pistol, but said 
it would be returned if five dollars were paid. . No money 
was forthcoming, and Heffron was discharged on bail. 


thought by many that in order to deter the reputable citizens of this place 
from giving evidence against Kelly, Kerrigan, and Doyle, at present in 
jail at Mauch Chunk, a citizen or two of the county will be murdered’ 
shortly in cold blood, as have been Major, Yost, James, Gwither, Sanger, 
Uren, and Jones. This, it is said, the ‘ Mollies’ think will keep witnesses 
away from the trial, and assist in securing the release of the murderers, 
which is confidently counted upon. The murderers may be acquitted,— 
such things have happened before,—but the blood of Yost and Jones calls 
for vengeance, and before the grass of next spring-time grows upon their 
graves the debt will have been wiped out, if not through the agency of 
the law and the courts, then, and more surely and swiftly, independent of 
that agency.” 

From the Zamagua Jtem. ‘In Shenandoah mine-bosses go to work 
guarded by a couple of policemen, or with carbines over their shoulders, 
A pretty spectacle, truly, for the United States of America within a year of 
the Centennial! It is a consolation to know, however, that, if there is any- 
thing in the signs of the times, long before this time next year Schuylkill 
County will be too hot to hold the Thugs and murderers who have so long 
been terrorizing over us.” 


236 THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 


About this time a dispute occurred between an Irishman, 
named Richard Finnen, and a stranger, in Couch’s saloon, 
as to their respective strength. Suddenly the saloon was 
filled with a crowd of people, who joined in the altercation ; 
a shot was fired by an unknown hand at Finnen, who fell, 
mortally wounded, it was supposed, the ball having lodged 
in the head, above the right eye. 

A turbulent feeling seemed to pervade the town ; many 
persons went to their homes, but their places were more 
than filled by others making their appearance. 

About eleven o’clock at night a man named Reese Thomas 
fired a shot from his revolver,—he claimed, accidentally ; 
he was arrested and sent to the lock-up, the burgess re- 
fusing bail. This increased the excitement. An Irishman, 
although guilty of a much more flagrant offense, had just 
before been discharged. 

Frequent shots now were heard over the town; men 
were stopped and examined by self-constituted committees. 

A man named James Johns, a Welshman, was found in 
a saloon in a fearful condition ; he had been shot, the ball 
passing in at the shoulder-blade and lodging near the right 
lung; his throat was cut from ear to ear, and he had been 
beaten on the head with a billy. There had been an at- 
tempt to burn him: his clothes were partly charred. And 
yet he was not dead. 

It was now past midnight. ‘The streets were filled with 
people ; those who had been in their beds arose and joined 
the throng. The town was filled with small mobs, actuated 
by different motives. There was an angry look in every 
eye, and yet there was no special object on which to vent 
their spleen, but men stood with their teeth set. Some 
fifteen shots were fired into Muff Lawler’s tavern. Crowds 
of men were fired into, but the intended assassins, although 
pursued, escaped. During the whole night the streets were 
crowded. A large fire was raging in Mahanoy City, only 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 237 


about four miles distant, and with its lurid glare lit up 
the heavens, but it hardly excited a passing remark. Men 
were fearful of some impending danger, they could not 
tell what ; there was a wicked, ugly feeling prevalent, 
which had it been so directed might have occasioned a 
fearful riot. With the early dawn the streets were still 
filled with angry men. 

How this turbulence arose, and what was its cause, that 
night, it is difficult to say. The whole community was 
outraged, the Mollies were defiant, a bloody conflict seemed 
pending; but daylight appeared, the blow had not been 
struck, and the excitement abated. 

Strange to say, severe as were the wounds of the Irish- 
man and Welshman, neither died from their effect. 

On Sunday the deputy sheriff issued a proclamation, 
-and that night the town was patrolled by one hundred 
special policemen, composed of the leading citizens of the 
place. Quiet was again restored. 

The 19th of October, 1875, the time fixed for the trial 
of the Jones murderers, came and passed, the case was 
continued, and all parties seemed to be waiting the result 
of the trial, when an event occurred which excited discus- 
sion and great feeling. 

A number of persons suspected the McAllisters and 
O’Donnells to have been the murderers of Sanger and 
Uren. But month after month rolled by, and no addi- 
tional arrests were made. It was beginning to be believed 
that the guilty parties would entirely escape punishment, 
when an outrage occurred, generally known as the ‘‘ Wig- 
gan’s Patch murder,’’ then and now generally supposed to 
have been the work of a vigilance committee. 

Friday and Charles O’Donnell resided, in December, 
1875, with their mother, at Wiggan’s Patch, a small col- 
liery town near Mahanoy City. Charles McAllister, with 
his wife, who was a daughter of Mrs. O’Donnell, also 


238 THE AUTUMN OF 1873. 


boarded in the same house. About one o’clock on the 
morning of the roth of. December an attack by a mob of 
disguised men roused the sleeping family. Friday O’ Don- 
nell was known as a desperado, but, overawed by the sud- 
denness of the attack, he offered no resistance, and sought 
safety in instant flight from the house, the neighborhood, 
and the county. Charles McAllister also succeeded in es- 
caping. James McAllister was captured, had a rope placed 
round his neck, but succeeded in getting away, though in 
doing so he received a severe gunshot wound in the arm. 
Charles O’ Donnell was captured, and was dragged a short 
distance from the house, where he was shot and instantly 
killed ; fourteen bullets are said to have been lodged in 
his body. 

Whilst this was occurring, Mrs. Charles McAllister made 
her appearance in her night-clothes at the door ofthe 
house. Shots were fired at her, which, taking effect, caused 
almost instant death. It is supposed that her murder was 
unintentional,—that the mob, seeing only the white robes 
in the darkness, shot, as they imagined, at the bust in- 
stead of the wife. 

If this was the work of a vigilance committee, in their 
retaliation and in the character of the crime they closely 
followed the example of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire.’’ ‘The vic- 
tims were unarmed and unresisting, and sent without a 
moment’s warning into eternity. The mob disappeared 
quickly and mysteriously. Who they were, whence they 
came, and whither they went, are still wrapped in mystery. 
Whoever they were, they desired that the intention of their 
act should be considered as being one of revenge. A 
paper containing the words, 


THE MURDERERS OF 


UREN AND SANGER, 





 —— 


THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 239 


was next morning found near the scene of the outrage. A 
man named F. Wenerich, residing in Mahanoy City, was 
arrested,* but his innocence of any participation in the 
crime has been recognized. 

It is believed that this murder caused more general and 
wide-spread consternation among the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ 
than even the arrest of John P. Jones. The punishment 
of murderers by death at the hand of the law had never 
followed any of their numerous crimes. The ‘alibi’’ had 
always proven a successful means of defense. To obtain 
witnesses to prove such ‘‘alibi’’ required scarcely an effort. 
Success in the past by such means inspired a well-founded 
hope for the future. 

But the very characteristic in their nature which induced 
them to clothe cold-blooded brutal assassination with the 
robe of heroism inspired them with morbid terror when 
their own modes of action were applied to themselves, 
The excitement prevailing after the “* Wiggan’s Patch mur- 
der’’ throughout the Molly organization in the coal region 
was therefore intense. A peculiarity of the ‘* Molly’’ social 
circle has been before referred to, that whilst, to those 
outside their organization, their disregard of human life 
is inconceivable, yet among themselves there is a morbid 
dread of death. The mourning for the unfortunate victims | 
among this class was wide-spread, and their indignation , 
was as intense as if no provocation whatever had been 


given.t 


* John Kehoe was the prosecutor. 

tT Both by the community at large and by the great body of the ‘* Mol- 
lies’ the ‘‘ Wiggan's: Patch’ murder is supposed to have been the work 
of the vigilance committee. Its effect was as described in the text. 

But in the opinion of John J. Slattery it was the work of John Kehoe. 
It appears that after the murder of Sanger and Uren, young Charles 
O'Donnell was much troubled in mind. It affected him to such a degree 
that his family became alarmed; John Kehoe, the brother-in-law, remon- 
strated with him, but O'Donnell still continued restless and disturbed. 


. 
: a - 


z 


240 THE AUTUMN OF 1875. 


Some were terror-stricken, but the bolder spirits were 
sullen and’ desperate. Day by day active resistance was 
organizing against them. In Northumberland County, in 
Schuylkill County, in the Mahanoy regions, and about 
Tamaqua, and in Carbon County, instead of the terrorism 
before existing, active retaliation was being inaugurated. 
The Catholic Church, always their enemy, now formally 
excommunicated them. But the power of years, now 
apparently at its height, was not to be yielded without a 
severe struggle. As politicians, they were courted; as 
criminals, they were hopeful of obtaining pardons. They 
could not, and they would not, believe their reign was 
drawing toaclose. Never, perhaps, in the whole history 
of the anthracite coal-fields, did there exist greater danger 
than at this time of wide-spread destruction of life and 
property. , 

Two Schuylkill County conventions of the order were 
called, and met in January, 1876, at Jack Kehoe’s, in 
Girardville, to take into consideration the expediency of 





Kehoe became So indignant at his conduct that he went to Mrs, O‘Don- 
nell’s house and thrashed him. 

-O'Donnell’s uneasiness remained, and it was feared by Kehoe that 
through him all the circumstances connected with the murder would be 
exposed, Slattery understood the state of affairs, and knew of Kehoe’s 
feelings. 

On the morning of the 9th of December, Charles Mulhearn told Slattery 
he was going to Mahanoy Valley that day, and that a “job’’ was to be 
done at Wiggan's Patch that night. 

On the roth he heard of the murder. His suspicions were at once 
aroused. He did not see Mulhearn until about four days afterwards. 
When they did meet, Mulhearn made no reference to the matter. This 
increased Slattery’s suspicions. He believes that had Mulhearn not known 
that the murder was not the work of the vigilance committee, he would 
have been much excited on the subject. 

The affair of Wiggan’s Patch is still a mystery. It is difficult to believe 
that Jack Kehoe would deliberately compass the murder of the brothers 
of his wife; but then it is only positive proof that renders any of the 
‘* Molly” murders credible. ; 


THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 241 


furnishing the members of the organization with rifles. 
The necessity of a thorough and complete arming of the 
order was agreed to, and an assessment was made upon 
each member for that purpose. 

The spirit manifested at the meetings was a defiant one, 
and curses and threats at the opposition to them were rife. 
These assessments were in part paid. A most formidable 
organization was only prevented by the arrests quickly fol- 
lowing, and consequent demoralization. 

A collision seemed imminent. ‘The ‘‘Molly,’’ on the 
one hand, was exasperated at the active measures taken 
against the order, and the defiant attitude assumed. A 
portion of the community were intensely excited in their 
opposition, and fearful that in the future, as in the past, 
the "murderers would escape punishment. Both parties 
were in so inflammable a condition that a slight provoca- 
tion would have produced open warfare. 


CHAPTER XXIII. 
THE TRIAL OF DOYLE—CONFESSION OF KERRIGAN. 


Wuitst affairs were in the condition described in the 
preceding chapter, the trial of the alleged murderers of 
John P. Jones was awaited by the entire community 
throughout the coal region with deep anxiety. Those 
who were ignorant of the extent of the preparation made 
by the Commonwealth—and such of course formed the 
mass of the people—had suffered so long under the rule 
of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ that the hope of punishment following 
crime in their case was but slight. 

The arrests had caused the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ to defer 


the perpetration of contemplated murders; but upon the 
L 21 


242 THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 


acquittal of the prisoners it was understood among them- 
selves that certain men must die, victims to the ‘‘ Molly’’ 
bullet. ° 

On the other hand, there was wide-spread fear that their 
acquittal would call fhe vigilance committee into active 
operation, and that all the horrors of a state of anarchy 
would follow. In relation to the trial both the Com- 
monwealth and the defense were active. 

Eminent counsel were engaged for the prosecution, and 
the preparation made was thorough and complete. On 
the part of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ no effort had been spared to 
raise money, by subscription, by levies upon the different 
divisions and counties in the anthracite coal region, by balls 
and parties. They, too, as they thought, were thoroughly 
prepared, and appeared with a brilliant array of counsel. 

On the 18th of January, 1876, the case was called for 
trial at Mauch Chunk, before his Honor Judge Dreher. 
E. R. Siewers, the District Attorney for Carbon County, 
appeared for the Commonwealth, and with him the Hon. 
F. W. Hughes, of Schuylkill, and General Charles Albright 
and Hon. Allen Craig, of Carbon. 

For the defense appeared John W. Ryon, Esq., and 
Hon. Lin Bartholomew, of Pottsville, Hon. Jas. B. Reilly, 
member of Congress from Schuykill, Daniel Kalbfus and 
Edward Mulhearn, Esq., of Carbon County. 

The magnitude of the case, combined with the brilliant 
array of counsel employed, tended to create intense excite- 
_ ment in the small town of Mauch Chunk, and this excite- 
ment increased as the trial progressed. The court-house 
there had never before presented such a scene. The pris- 
oners, under guard ofa strong force of Coal and Iron Police, 
. upon their entrance into the court-room looked and felt 
confident, and answered the sympathizing glances of a host 
of ‘‘ Molly Maguires,’’ who, arrogant and outspoken, were 
thronging the court-room and the streets of the town. 


A 


-- 


> 


THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 243 


In the midst of the threatened danger they were furious. 
An attack upon the jail, or an attempted rescue, was feared, 
and an uneasy feeling prevailed that at any moment might 
come an outburst. Precautions against a rescue were enforced 
when adjourning the court. First the doors were directed 
to be shut, and the attendant throng confined; then the 
constables were directed to take the jury from the room. 
In the mean time the prisoners were handcuffed, and sent 
under a strong guard to prison. ‘Then the doors were all 
unlocked, and the smothered wrath of the throng in the 
court-room found vent in curses from clustering knots of 
angry men on the public streets. 

A body of police fully armed guarded the jail, and a full 
supply of hand-grenades and other ammunition was kept 
within its walls. 

Judge Dreher, learned, deliberate, unimpassioned, but 
determined, understood the danger of the situation, and, 
whilst allowing every reasonable latitude to the argument 
of counsel, preserved strict order and checked any dis- 
position to acrimonious discussion. 

An application was made by the prisoners for a change 
of venue. An argument was heard and considered, and 
the motion was refused. Dilatory motions were heard and 
dismissed. 

The District Attorney was directed to proceed, and the 
indictment charging James Kerrigan, Edward Kelly, and 
Michael J. Doyle with the murder of John P. Jones was read 
to the prisoners, who respectively entered the plea of ‘‘not © 
guilty.’’ Separate trials were demanded, and the Com- 
monwealth elected to try Michael J. Doyle. A jury was 
directed to be, selected. 

The impaneling of ajury.in a homicide case is in itself 
a solemn act, bringing to the minds of the parties present 
the fact that human life is to be weighed in the balance, 
and that safeguards are being thrown around it. The 


* 


\ 


244 THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 


jurors are called singly. The clerk of the court in each 
instance directs, ‘‘ Juror, look on the prisoner; prisoner, 
look on the juror. What say you, challenge or no chal- 
lenge ?’’ If, as usual, the prisoner does not immediately 
avail himself of his right, the juror is directed to be sworn 
to make true answers. He is then usually examined as to 
whether he has conscientious scruples on the subject of 
capital punishment ; whether he has formed or expressed 
an opinion, etc. 

The answers may be of such a nature as to render the 
juror incompetent, and one side or the other may chal- 
lenge for cause. If no legal cause is shown, the right of 
peremptory challenge exists, in a limited degree, in the 
Commonwealth, and, to a large extent, in the prisoner. 
This right not being exercised by either party, the court 
directs the juror to be sworn in the pending case. The 
same formula is repeated with each juror. called until 
twelve are chosen. 

It can readily be understood that in cases which have 
occupied a.large share of public attention difficulty in 
obtaining jurors frequently occurs. In the case of Doyle 
several days elapsed before a jury was selected. 

EK. R. Siewers, Esq., the District Attorney, well and 
clearly related the sad story of the murder of Jones, and 
told in detail the testimony proposed to be submitted, by 
which the guilt of the prisoner was to be shown. 

The case is proceeded with. General Albright examines 
the witness, and Bartholomew conducts the cross-examina- 
tion. In the frequent points arising, all the counsel at 
times engage; but Hughes, as a rule, argues the legal 
points in behalf of the Commonwealth, and Ryon for the 
prisoner. 

The testimony is wonderful in its completeness. During 
the day preceding the murder, hour by hour, almost min- 
ute by minute, the exact whereabouts of the prisoners are 


THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 245 


shown. Doyle and Kelly are identified as having fired 
the fatal shots, and their course is minutely traced up to 
the moment of their arrest. 

As day after day new and unexpected testimony is of- 
fered, clinching and riveting the damning evidence of 
guilt, the crowd of ‘‘ Mollies’’ in the town look sullen and 
dangerous. 

The officers of the court, members of the bar, the police- 
men, the tipstaves, the throng of spectators, watch every 
step of the trial with breathless interest. Even the army 
of reporters, by their profession inured to varied scenes of 
excitement, and even danger,are interested in the strange 
story being told, while they uneasily watch the crowd of 
threatening faces with which the room is thronged. 

The counsel for the Commonwealth were secure in the 
strength of their case, and appeared confident. They 
must have been conscious, however, of the intense hate 
with which many present regarded them. If each and 
every of them were not armed during the trial, they neg- 
lected ordinary precaution. The counsel for the defense 
were uneasy. From the beginning they understood and felt 
the danger to their clients far better than did the arrogant 
and self-confident organization from which their fees were 
obtained.* As the cause progressed, any hope of acquittal 
which they might have before entertained passed away. 
When the Commonwealth rested their case, the carefully- 
prepared ‘‘alibi’’ was useless, There was danger of prose- 
cution and conviction for perjury to any rash enough to 
‘attempt to prove such ‘‘alibi’’ upon the witness-stand. 
The counsel for the prisoners discharged the witnesses. 
That they were prepared to swear falsely was so manifest 


* It is not intended to be intimated that the counsel for the defense were 
employed by the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ as an organization. Their engage- 
ments, it is to be presumed, were made with the relatives and friends of the 


prisoners, 
21* 


246 THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 


that the prisoners’ counsel felt that to call them would not 
only be useless, but that they would be knowingly per- 
mitting perjury. 

That these witnesses should not be called was specially 
urged upon his colleagues by Hon. James B. Reilly, who, it 
is possible, had some knowledge of the nature of the testi- 
mony the ‘‘Mollies’’ intended to produce. Because he 
was of Irish extraction, a Catholic, and a politician, he 
was deemed worthy of greater confidence than any of his 
colleagues except Mulhearn. The ‘‘ Mollies’’ made a mis- 
take. James B. Reilly was not prepared to become a party 
to a crime. 

The case was submitted to the jury upon the testimony 
of the Commonwealth. Nothing, one would imagine, could 
be said in behalf of the prisoner; but Kalbfus, who pos- 
sesses a wonderful command of words, and Bartholomew, 
ingenious and brilliant, made stirring appeals to the jury. 

But no efforts, however eloquent, could avail the pris- 
oner, especially under the review of testimony made by 
counsel for the Commonwealth, and the calm and dispas- 
sionate charge of his Honor Judge Dreher. 

Notwithstanding the completeness of the testimony, the 
Commonwealth were determined to risk nothing, and Hon. 
Allen Craig (the able counsel of the Lehigh Valley Rail- 
road Company), logical, self-possessed, and with high lit- 
erary culture, General Albright, elaborate, thorough, with 
intimate knowledge of the facts and of the law bearing on 
the case, and Hon. F. W. Hughes, with large experience 
and thorough knowledge of the law, trained, comprehen- 
sive, analytical, and eloquent, made their best efforts before 
the jury. 

On the morning of the rst of February, 1876, the jury - 
brought in against Michael J. Doyle the verdict of ‘‘ Guilty 
of murder in the first degree.’’ The prisoner listened 
eagerly whilst the verdict was being rendered by the jury, 


taal 


THE TRIAL OF DOYLE. 247 


and then instantly presented an appearance of being en- 
tirely unaffected by the result. This assumed hardihood is 
by no means unusual among criminals convicted of high 
crimes, but especially among the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ is it 
maintained as a matter of pride. 

The open expression of emotion is a characteristic of the 
Irish people, and yet the verdict of ‘‘ guilty of murder’’ 
may be rendered, and the prisoner will remain apparently 
the least concerned of any present. The wife, whose de- 
votion is recognized with sympathy, will sit calmly by with- 
out evidence of emotion; the father and the brother will 
be apparently cold and impassive; it is only the aged 
mother who will utter a wail, or show the mortal agony 
that fills the hearts of them all. 

A motion for a new trial was entered a few days after- 
wards, but was refused, and Michael J. Doyle was by Judge 
Dreher sentenced to death by hanging. 

McKenna is of course on hand during the trial. He is 
seemingly as chagrined as the worst of the throng of bad 
men present at the course matters are taking. As witness 
after witness is called he apparently becomes more defiant. 
But his interviews with Captain Linden, who is also pres- 
ent, taking open part in the prosecution, are arranged with 
skill and care. Day by day the exact position of the 
defense is disclosed, and night after night is it reviewed, 
discussed, and guarded against in General Albright’s office. 

During the trial an incident occurred which was of ter- 
rible import to the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization. Deputy-Sheriff 
Brenheiser testified to a conversation which he had over- 
heard in prison between Doyle and Kerrigan. ‘The con- 
versation had been carried on through certain pipes by 
which the cells were connected. Doyle said in effect that 
astatement of an ‘‘alibi’’ had been prepared and sent to 
Reilly at Pottsville, which statement was to be shown to 
the witnesses who were to be sent from Mount Laffee, in 


248 CONFESSION OF KERRIGAN. 


order that they might know exactly what to swear to; that 
the witnesses were ready to. show that Kerrigan had been 
at a wake near Yorktown at the time the murder occurred ; 
that he could trust Mulhearn and Reilly, but must be care- 
ful in what he said to Bartholomew and Kalbfus. This 
testimony excited Kerrigan beyond control; he sprang to 
his feet, exclaiming, ‘‘ That isa lie! By God, I have no 
stomach for this! I won’t have my life sworn away in 
this way !”’ 

Kerrigan was silenced by the court, and sank to his seat. 
It was the turning-point in his existence. If true to his 
race and inborn prejudices, certain death at the hands of 
the law stared him in the face; if false, family, friends, 
associates, all he loved or who loved him, would throw him 
off as an outcast and a traitor. But there was a chance for 
life; and the love of life triumphed: in that moment he 
determined to become an ‘‘ zzformer.”’ : : 

That he wished to confess was speedily made known to 
the counsel for the Commonwealth, and a day or two before 
the conviction of Doyle, Messrs. Hughes and Albright, in 
company with a stenographer, visited Kerrigan in prison. 
He told his story; he told the truth, but not at that time 
the whole truth; he endeavored to shield himself. He 
told the story of the murder of Jones, and also of that of 
Yost, and gave a view of the inside workings of the organi- 
zation, of which his listeners, old residents in the coal 
regions though they were, had never dreamed. 

But with this revelation came a well-assured confidence 
that, fearful as was the evil, a remedy might be applied. 
A well-defined hope sprang into life. Francis W. Hughes 
and Charles Albright are men of high social and profes- 
sional standing. They differ in many respects,—in ap- 
pearance, in manner,—and they profess directly opposite 
political faith. But both men are possessed of a purity of 
character and honesty of purpose carrying them beyond 


ARRESTS OF MOLLY MAGUIRES. 249 


petty aims and purposes. ‘They felt a common duty, and, 
clasping hands, expressed a common purpose to accom- 
plish a common object. The pledge then made has been 
well sustained. From that day onward, for many long 
months, side by side they have waged war against the 
**Molly Maguire.’’ ‘They have had able associates, but 
from the first trial to the last, in Carbon and in Schuylkill, 
ever at their post, they have dealt vigorous and manly 
blows for the punishment of crime and the maintenance 
of law and order. 


CHAPTER «xX XLV. 
ARRESTS OF MOLLY MAGUIRES—McPARLAN SUSPECTED. 


By the confession of James Kerrigan a point long de- 
sired had at last been attained by the civil authorities and 
those specially active in the endeavor to break up the 
‘Molly Maguire’ organization. Whilst the confession 
of Kerrigan as to his own participation in crime had been 
only partial, it was well understood by the Pinkerton De- 
tective Agency and by the experienced lawyers at the helm 
that the entering wedge had been driven in. They knew 
that the unveiling of all the unholy secrets of the organi- 
zation was merely a question of time. Not only in their 
minds was the conviction of all the murderers of John P. 
Jones and Policeman Benjamin F. Yost rendered certain, 
but it was now felt that with safety other known mur- 
derers could be arrested, and that those who had long been 
resting in fancied security from punishment for ghastly 
crimes, almost forgotten amidst present horrors, could at 
last be brought to the bar of outraged justice. 

It was now felt that the knowledge already in their pos- 

L* 


250 ARRESTS OF MOLLY MAGUIRES. 


session obtained through McParlan could be rendered avail- 
able without calling him upon the witness-stand. This 
they could the more readily do as with him in the camp 
of the enemy every move made by them would be known 
and the perjured testimony required to establish the ‘alibi’ 
universally adopted as a defense could be readily exposed. 

The fact that a confession had been made by one of the 
prisoners at Mauch Chunk was soon a matter of rumor; 
that the informer was James Kerrigan was soon suspected. 
The ‘‘ Mollies’’ had themselves never felt absolutely secure 
in Kerrigan, and, as a consequence, had been specially care- 
ful to give him encouragement and to attend-to the wants 
and interests of his family. For this reason, whilst the 
rumor inspired fear among them, it was not fully believed. 

Warrants for the arrest of the murderers of Yost were 
placed in the hands of Captain Linden, and also in the 
hands of Captain Peeler, of the Coal and Iron Police, 
located in Carbon County. The arrests were managed 
with great skill, and simultaneously made on Friday, the 
4th of February, 1876, two days after the jury in the Doyle 
case had rendered their verdict of ‘‘ Guilty of murder in 
the first degree.’’ Early in the morning of that day Alex- 
ander Campbell was sent to Mauch Chunk, and James 
Roarity, James Carroll, Hugh McGeehan, James Boyle, 
and Thomas Duffy were brought to Tamaqua, together 
sent to Pottsville, and there at once committed to prison 
to await trial. Messrs. Ryon and Bartholomew were em- 
ployed for the defense, and in their behalf applied for a 
writ of habeas corpus on the 9th of February, which was — 
made returnable on the r2th of the same month. The 
intensity of feeling created by these arrests can well be 
imagined. It was now fully understood that Kerrigan was 
the ‘‘leaker.’’ The indignation of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ against 
him—in which a large portion of the Irish people sym- 
pathized—was openly expressed. 


+» 


> 


ARRESTS OF MOLLY MAGUIRES. 251 


The state of feeling then prevailing was increased in in- 
tensity by the arrest on the roth of February—the day fol- 
lowing the issuing of the writ of habeas corpus in the Yost 
case—of Charles McAllister and Thomas Munley, charged 
with the murder of Sanger and Uren at Raven’s Run, and 
their commitment to the Schuylkill County jail. Men 
greeted each other with brightened faces, and the end of 
the ** Molly Maguire’’ was for the first time generally pre- 
dicted. 

Saturday, the 12th of February, 1876, the day fixed for 
the hearing of the habeas corpus in the case of the prisoners 
arrested for the murder of Policeman Yost, arrived. The 
large court-room at Pottsville was packed almost to suffoca- 
tion with a mass of anxious and excited humanity. The 
corridors of the court-house were filled with expectant 
faces. Crowds of people unable to gain admittance into 
the court-room thronged the streets. ‘The nature and ex- 
tent of Kerrigan’s confession, who, and how many, were 
implicated, were the themes of every tongue. 

Disappointment had been expressed at the fact that no 
sight had yet been obtained of Kerrigan. Multitudes of 
the curious had awaited the arrival of the train from 
Tamaqua, anxious to catch a glimpse of the ‘‘informer.’’ 
But, fearful of a disturbance or an attempt to murder him, 
he had been sent from Mauch Chunk in a special car, under 
charge of Captain Peeler. Unnoticed by any one, he had 
taken his lodgings in the Schuylkill County jail.* But 
fresh disappointment was still in store. Judge Pershing 
made his appearance on the bench, and announced that 
the hearing would be private, and that the room must be 
cleared. It was some twenty minutes before the room could 


* Kerrigan has since that time made frequent journeys openly between 
Mauch Chunk and Pottsville, but always in charge of Captain Peeler. 
From the circumstance of the captain being a large man and Kerrigan 
being very diminutive in size, he has received the name of ‘‘ Peeler’s baby.” 


252 ARRESTS, OF, MOLLY MAGCUI£GS. 


be emptied, and then, in the presence of their Honors Per- 
shing, Green, and Walker, all of the law judges, and Asso- 
, ciate Judge Seitzinger, the hearing was had. A number 
of the witnesses for the Commonwealth were present and 
testified, and Kerrigan then first made a public confession. 
As directions were given that the proceedings were not to 
be published, the curiosity of the community was in no 
degree allayed. All of the prisoners were committed to 
answer the charge of murdering Benjamin F. Yost. 

Whilst the arrest of Munley and McAllister attracted 
no special attention other than as being that of the 
murderers of Yost, it alarmed the ‘‘ Molly, Maguires’’ 
themselves. The public did not know the extent of Ker- 
rigan’s information, but they did. In the murder of San- 
ger and Uren it-was known to them that Kerrigan had no 
part ; he was a resident of a different part of the region, 
and had no special intimate connection with the mur- 
derers. A different source of information seemed indicated. 
To such experienced and able attorneys as Messrs. Ryon 
and Bartholomew, the conduct of the prosecution in the 
Doyle case had rendered evident the fact that information 
of the defense was being disclosed and that their policy in 
minute details was being betrayed by some one within their 
own lines. This belief of the attorneys became known, 
and aroused to the full extent the suspicions of the ‘‘ Mol- 
lies.’’?’ The arrest of Munley and McAllister confirmed 
them in their views. 

Who was the detective? Suspicion fell upon McKenna, 
—exactly how and why is wrapped in some mystery. Vari- 
ous stories are afloat. One is that he was forced to sign 
his true name of McParlan to a draft or check to enable 
him to get some money out of bank. Another, that owing 
to the suspension of a Chicago banking-house, in which 
his savings of years were deposited, he was forced to use 


his own name. Still another, that by accident a returned — 


TE a a oe 


a 


MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 253 


letter at the post-office betrayed his true character. And 
still another, that a dropped letter at Tamaqua, falling into 
the wrong hands, led to his discovery. It is probable that 
there is a foundation for all these stories; it is possible 
that none of them contain the true version of the matter. 
It is sufficient to know that his business was discovered, 
and that the discovery was imparted to several Catholic 
priests. Through these priests Jack Kehoe, the County 
Delegate, and others of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, 
were put upon their guard against him as being a detective. 

That this fact should be urged by many as proof positive 
that the Roman Catholic priesthood, if not the Roman 
Catholic Church, are in sympathy with the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires,’’ can readily be supposed. The prejudice existing 
against that Church in the minds of many is bitter and 
utterly unreasonable. There are those who through preju- 
dice are prepared to believe any charge, however contrary 
to reason, against it, without any investigation, and to 
hold it responsible for intemperate language used by any 
man holding the priestly office, acting on his own respon- 
sibility, under strong provocation and influenced by the 
heat of passion. This being the case, it can be a matter 
of no great surprise that the warning given to members 
of the ‘‘ Molly” organization should receive the most un- 
charitable construction, especially as the act would seem- 
ingly bear it out. To shield criminals, to save them from 
punishment for brutal murder in the past, and to leave 
them to pursue unchecked a course of horrible crime in the 
future, is not in accordance with either the teachings of the 
Christian religion or the dictates of common humanity. 
Any steps tending to the relief of a terror-stricken people, 
who, feeling powerless, surrender unresistingly property 
and life itself to cold-blooded brutality, should, it would 
seem, receive the support of right-thinking men. That 


notice of the fact that James McKenna was a detective 
22 


254 MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. . 


was given to members of the organization through Catholic 
priests has never been denied. ‘The notice so given makes 
those pause and doubt who are most desirous not to be- 
_ heve, not even to imagine, the possibility of evil. 

Nevertheless, it is difficult to credit that any respectable 
portion of the Catholic priests sympathized with or coun- 
tenanced in any way the Molly Maguires. It is impossible 
to believe that Father O’Conner, of Mahanoy Plane, who 
has been most publicly implicated in the matter, should 
desire in any way to screen them or aid them in the main- 
tenance of their bloody work. His history ever since he 
has been in the coal region would indicate an entirely dif- 
ferent state of feeling on his part. In the public press, 
over his own signature, and from the pulpit, he was open in 
his denunciations. Hardly a month had passed since he 
had read the pastoral letter of Archbishop Wood excom- 
municating all lawless societies, and especially the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguires.’’ In his sermon, delivered at a time of great 
excitement, and with many of the most desperate of the 
organization among his hearers, he had the courage to de- 
nounce them in most unmeasured terms. He referred to the 
Wiggan’s Patch murder, and claimed that, as the victim was 
a ‘‘ Molly,’’ full sympathy should not be extended. He 
impressed upon them the fact that war was not being waged 
upon women, and that Mrs. McAllister was evidently shot 
by mistake. He stigmatized the order as a disgrace to the 
Irish people and a blot upon the Irish name. He bade 
~them to beware of the order for their own sake and for the 
sake of their children; to hold no communication with 
friend or even brother who belonged to it, for it was out- 
side the pale of humanity and cut off from connection 
with the Church; under no pretense to show sympathy with 
them; to let them fight their own battles unaided; that 
they were the scum of the earth, a disgrace to the Church, 
to Ireland, and to America. 


MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 255 


That Father O’Conner was sincere in his sermon de- 
livered that day there can be no doubt. The sentiments 
he then expressed are in accordance with his whole record, 
before and since. What isthe explanation? Unfortunately, 
although willing and anxious to explain before a legal tri- 
bunal, he could not do so, objection being made. He isa 
man of high character, and sincerely anxious for both the 
spiritual and the temporal welfare of his flock. He is of 
handsome and commanding presence, is a gentleman, a 
man of culture, and has broad and extended views. His 
nature, his instincts, his education, and his religion all 
teach him to understand, to appreciate, to despise and 
fearlessly condemn the horrible order by the members of 
which he is surrounded, and who are the subjects of his 
anxious thoughts and earnest solicitude. He groans under 
not only the disgrace they bring upon the religion of 
which he is a priest, but the disaffection they breed in the 
Church. He mourns for the jeopardy in which they are 
placing body and soul here and hereafter. As aman, he 
shudders at their horrible barbarity ; as a priest, he trem- 
bles for their personal welfare and safety not only in this 

world, but in the world to come; as an Irish-American citi- 
" zen, he grieves for the honor of Ireland sullied and for Amer- 
ica disgraced, and with foreboding he contemplates their 
pernicious influence in the future upon their own families 
and upon the country at large. Can it be possible that the: 
inborn prejudice against an ‘‘ informer,’’ which seems to be 
part of the Irish nature, transmitted through generations, 
unconsciously influenced his mind contrary to his instincts, 
his nature, his education, and his religion? Can it be that 
when it was announced that a detective was in the midst 
of this lawless gang, contempt for the ‘‘informer’’ and 
pity for the unsuspicious criminal for the moment affected 
his judgment? Did he believe that the detective was the 
instigator of crimes that he might betray them? If the 


256 MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 


last was his belief, he had learned the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ 
history to little purpose. That his reasons were at the 
time satisfactory to his own mind is certain. His purity 
and honesty of purpose are unquestionable, but, in this 
matter, even in the exercise of the utmost charity his judg- 
ment must be regarded as at fault. 

When Jack Kehoe heard that McKenna was a detective 
he gave the report instant credence. It was believed that 
there was a*spy among them, and that such spy was held 
in general confidence. Who so likely as McKenna? He 
was a comparative stranger. He was without visible means 
of support; he had never engaged in any scheme of fraud 
by which money could be obtained; and yet he was always 
in funds. Who more likely? The thought caused Jack 
Kehoe to shudder, for he knew the extent of McKenna’s 
information and the power he possessed. He had been his 
own trusted friend and confidant, but the idea once sug- 
gested, he knew it to be correct. 

On the theory of his being a detective the arrest of Mc: 
Allister and Munley for the murder of Sanger and Uren 
could be accounted for. He sent his wife at once to Potts- 
ville, directing her to see Danny Hughes, the keeper of a 
drinking-saloon and restaurant where ‘‘ Mollies’’ from all 
parts of the region resorted when in Pottsville, and inform 
him that McKenna was a detective, against whom he should 
be on his guard, and also to request Hughes to notify 
all members of the order that such was the fact, obtained 
from a reliable source. 

McKenna was then in Pottsville, and had been for several 
days previously. Upon the day of the morning of the 
habeas corpus hearing he walked down straight from the 
court-house with Frank McAndrew, body-master of the 
Shenandoah Division, who gave him the first intimation 
of the story afloat. He told him that it was rumored that 
he was a detective, and that the report was being discussed 


Pos 


MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 257 


throughout the order ; that very many could not credit it, 
but that very morning bets had been made in the cars that 
he would appear on the stand that day as a witness for the 
Commonwealth in the habeas corpus hearing of Munley 
and McAllister. 

McKenna on the instant made a rapid review of the situa- 
tion. He appreciated the fact that since the time of the 
Doyle trial a belief had been gaining ground that a detective 
was at work in their midst. He had himself, with his usual 
policy, fallen into the current of opinion. Muff Lawler 
had been suspected, and McKenna had with a number of 
the members of the order discussed the question of his 
guilt or innocence. He knew not only from his experience 
in that case but from life-long experience upon what slight 
foundations a suspicion could be aroused, and he hoped 
that, by assuming a defiant attitude he could crush out the 
doubts with which he was-regarded, and not only retain 
but increase his power. Every force of mind and body 
was engaged in the task he had undertaken. He had 
worked for years to attain the position he then held as an 
influential member of the order. He had gained universal 
confidence. He had lifted the veil that had shrouded in 
mystery many a bloody deed of past years, and he could 
now, if firmly established, quickly and thoroughly com- 
plete hiswork. He did not for a moment dream of yield- 
ing to the current setting in against him. He resolved to 
show fight. 

Nor were his hopes without foundation. He was exceed- 
ingly popular. He had ever appeared to show the greatest 
devotion to the order. He was cool and determined, was 
without personal fear, and could, if necessity in his judg- 
ment demanded it, present the appearance of exceeding 
rashness. He had thus won great admiration. His in- 
genuity had at the same time been taxed to prevent the 


commission of crime. He would display zeal for and ap- 
22° 


. 


258 MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 


proval of the object in view, would discard any question 
of his own personal safety, but in his prudent care for 
others generally defeated the job, at the same time adding 
to his own reputation as a ‘‘safe hand for a clean job.”’ 
More than this, he possessed the power of intellect, ever 
on the alert and directed to a fixed object.. Beyond all 
this, nature had endowed him with that peculiar magnetism 
of manner which all appreciate but no one can understand. 

He determined on the instant to join issue. He was 
apparently thunderstruck at the idea. That he of all men 
should be suspected was monstrous. He spoke of his steady 
and unswerving devotion to the organization, the sacrifices 
he had made for it. 

McAndrew, who was much attached to McKenna, quickly 
sympathized with him, and regretted that the rumor had be- 
come so wide-spread. ‘‘As it is,’” said he, ‘‘ you must prove 
your innocence before a county convention.’’ ‘This was 
in direct accordance with McKenna’s views; he believed 
that no proof against him could be produced, and that a 
demand for the most thorough investigation would in itself 
completely vindicate him. 

A large number of ‘‘ Mollies’’ from different points were 
in Pottsville on that day, by reason of the hearing in the 
case of Munley and McAllister. McKenna set to work at 
once to manufacture sentiment in his favor. He proceeded 
to Danny Hughes’s saloon, where he met a number of the 
order. Hughes told him of the word received through 
Mrs. Kehoe. McKenna was indignant, was surprised, was 
mortified that such a false and malicious report should be 
spread against him of all men. Danny Hughes said that he 


did not believe it. They took a drink all around at Mc- 


Kenna’s expense. In the midst of McKenna’s indignation 
his sensibilities were affected ; he could bear anything but 
that ; that was too much. 

‘* They had wounded the spirit that loved them.” 


wi 


MCPARLAN SUSPECTED. 259 


Perhaps at no time in his whole career had McKenna been 
more popular than on that day in Pottsville. He carried 
the crowd by storm; he was greeted with the warmest ex- 
pressions of sympathy. ‘That evening he left them and 
went to Shenandoah. 

There his old associates were with him. He disarmed 
suspicion. He defied, nay, courted investigation. It was 
his right, and a most thorough and searching examination 
must be had. He insisted upon being brought face to face 
with his accuser. 

The next morning he went to Girardville. He saw Jack 
Kehoe, and assumed with him a like innocent, injured, 
_and very indignant air. ‘‘ Why,’’ said he, ‘‘do you spread 
these reports about me ?”’ 

McKenna’s manner frightened Jack Kehoe, and for the - 
time being staggered even him in his belief. He excused 
himself. ‘‘I did it,’’ he answered, ‘‘ because I heard it. 
I heard it some time since, and I heard it again lately.’’ 

‘¢ Where did you hear it ??? demanded McKenna. 

‘¢T heard it from a conductor on the Reading Railroad,”’ 
was the answer. ‘‘ Hecalled me into the baggage-car, and 
asked me whether I had seen you lately, and said that I 
might be certain that you were a detective. I told him 
that it was a the first time I had heard the charge made 
against you.’ f A 

McKenna denounced the charge as a foul slander, “and 
demanded as his right that a convention of the order be 
called and the matter investigated. 

‘¢What I want now,’’ said he, ‘‘is somebody to prove 
it. I am willing to let the society try me. I will let the 
society try me; and if I find out the man who is lying 
about me, I will make him suffer. It isa re thing to 
charge a man like me with being a detective.’ 

Kehoe agreed with McKenna that the request was reason- 
able, and that there should be a county convention, as he 


260 MCPARLAN’S DANGER, 


suggested. He requested that McKenna should write the 
letters,—he being too nervous,—calling it in his name, to 
meet in Ferguson’s Hall, in Shenandoah, about the 1st of 
March. 

McKenna, taking writing materials up-stairs, wrote, as 
authorized, to the several body-masters of Schuylkill 
County, and, putting the letters in stamped envelopes, 
directed them, and handed them to Kehoe to mail. 

He stopped that night at Kehoe’s house. His manner 
had, for the time being, the desired effect. Kehoe was 
almost disarmed. ‘The star of McKenna was in the ascend- 
ant, and, feeling great confidence in his ability to main- 
tain his position, he returned the next day to Pottsville. 
There he assumed a bold and aggressive tone. He said to 
Patrick Butler, body-master of Lost Creek, as well as to 
others, ‘‘I am not waiting for the order to take action 
upon me; I will take action upon myself; I will have a 
meeting, and I will have a fair trial.’’ 


CehAsh ot Rao ve 
McPARLAN’S DANGERS, AND HIS ESCAPE. 


KEHOE was only shaken in his belief of McKenna’s 
guilt, not thoroughly convinced of his innocence. He, 
however, assumed, in conversation with him, an air of 
entire confidence. The manner of McKenna tended to 
create a doubt of any testimony that might be produced, 
and yet the evidence in his possession against him was felt 
to be unquestionable. 

The two met in Pottsville on the 26th of February. 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 261 


Kehoe greeted McKenna cordially, and manifested his 
usual confidence. They were about retaining John W. 
Ryon, Esq., to defend McAllister. 

In the afternoon of the same day they met again. 

** Have you any news?’’ asked McKenna. 

*¢T have a good deal of news,’’ Kehoe replied. ‘‘ There 
are about twenty-five hundred men banded together in this 
county for the purpose of prosecuting the Ancient Order of 
Hibernians. ‘There is positive proof that there are detect- 
ives among them, and that these detectives get money to 
go around and spend, and find out all their secrets, in 
order to either send them to the penitentiary or hang 
them.” | 

‘‘There has been in my mind,’’ said McKenna, ‘for 
some time past an idea that there is something crooked 
going on, and that is the reason I am doubly cautious. 
But,’’ continued he, ‘‘ from whom have you received this 
information now ?”’ 

‘From Mr. John W. Ryon; that is the man; he is 
after telling me in his office,’’ Kehoe replied. 

It is not probable that Kehoe reported literally Mr. 
Ryon’s remarks, but it is likely that Mr. Ryon suspected 
the fact that detectives were at work: the action of the 
Commonwealth betrayed inside knowledge. 

Away from McKenna, the suspicions of Kehoe returned 
with redoubled force. That there was one detective— 
perhaps more—among them could not be doubted. The 
whole conduct of the Commonwealth, the confidence mani- 
fested, the startling arrests made independent of any testi- 
mony of Kerrigan, rendered the matter sure. The direct 
information received implicating McKenna, and the recur- 
ring question, ‘‘ Who so likely?’’ dispelled all doubt,—and 
in Jack Kehoe’s mind McKenna was condemned to death. 
There should be no convention, no trial,—it would be 
useless. Before the time fixed for the convention the blow 


262 " MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


should be struck, and the life of McKenna rendered up. 
He acted vigorously; he created sentiment against the 
suspected man; he asserted that his information was un- 
doubted. 

He came to Pottsville the day previous to that fixed for 
the convention, and asked McKenna if he was going to 
Shenandoah that night. He was told that he was; and an 
arrangement was made that they should meet in the after- 
noon. 

Kehoe at once returned to Shenandoah. He called 
Frank McAndrew, the body-master of the division, and 
a number of the order together. He told McAndrew 
that McKenna was a detective beyond doubt; that he 
must be killed. ‘‘ For God’s sake, have him killed to- 
night,’’ said he, ‘for he will hang half the people in 
Schuylkill County.”’ 

Kehoe treated freely. Friendship to McKenna in all 
except McAndrew was shaken, and even he finally gave 
way. ‘The murder was agreed to, and in the evening after 
the arrival of the train twelve or fourteen men assembled 
on purpose to do the deed. Some had axes, some toma- 
hawks, and some the sledges used in the mines. They 
were afraid to use fire-arms, on account of the police and 
assembled crowd. 

In the mean time, McKenna was confident that his plans 
were working satisfactorily. Kehoe did not meet him 
during the afternoon according to appointment; but this 
he judged was accidental. But he quickly discovered that, 
notwithstanding all his efforts to create confidence, there 
was a counteracting influence at work. In a conversation 
with a man named Mullen, from Tuscarora, he found that 
the assembling of the convention was being secretly op- 
posed. Mullen said that the idea was abroad that he was 
certainly a detective, and that he wanted to get all the 
body-masters and other officers together in Ferguson’s Hall, 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 263 


Shenandoah, and have them arrested in a body by the Coal 
and Iron Police. McKenna laughed at this idea, told him 
that such a thing would not be lawful, and insisted upon 
the fact that he had the meeting called in good faith. 

The conversation made an impression upon him. He 
was intensely anxious to gain his end and establish in their 
view his innocence. He saw Captain Linden and asked 
him to keep the Coal and Iron Police away next day ; that 
he was perfectly satisfied he could make the convention 
believe he was no detective. ‘‘I believe,’’ said he, ‘‘I can 
fight them right through.’’ 

Captain Linden objected to this. He thought McKenna 
was taking too great a risk; but, like him, he was anxious 
that he should establish his point with the convention. 
Captain Linden therefore unwillingly consented that he 
should make the venture without even a shadow of protec- 
tion. 

McKenna took the evening train for Shenandoah. He 
was sitting in the smoking-car, when Marcus O’ Donnell. 
a brother of Mrs. Kehoe, told him that his sister was in 
the ladies’ car and desired to see him. At Mahanoy City 
he went into the car, and found that her husband was not 
with her. He asked where he was. She replied that he 
‘had gone up by way of Frackville that afternoon, whilst 
she had visited her mother in Tamaqua. 

The idea of immediate personal danger then first pre- 
sented itself. Kehoe had assumed friendship; had told 
him-to be sure and be in Shenandoah that night,—that 
he would meet him on the way. McKenna knew Kehoe 
thoroughly, and he saw danger ahead. 

His suspicions were still further excited upon his arrival 
at the Reading Railroad depot at Shenandoah. He had 
sent word to McAndrew that he was coming that evening, 
and usually, in such case, he would be met at the cars by a 
number of his associates, who would give him the news, and 


ant 


264 MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


with whom he would take a drink. This evening he was 
met by no one. This looked ominous; but he was well 
armed, and prepared to defend himself if necessary. 
Passing up-street, he met none of the order until he came 
to McHugh’s saloon. He stopped and spoke to McHugh. 
He was asked to take a drink, and said he would take some 
porter. McHugh was in a tremor; he had difficulty in 
getting the cork out of the bottle; he was deathly pale. 
McKenna asked him if he had the ague; had he been on 
a spree, or was he sick? -McHugh said no, but he .was 
very cold. ‘The question was then asked by McKenna as 
to whether he had heard the report that he was a detective. 
McHugh said that he had, but did not believe it; that he 


would attend the convention next day, and see how things 


were going on. 

The aspect of affairs grew still more ominous. Pass- 
ing up-street, he met a man named Mike McDermott, a 
member of the order, with whom he was on very friendly 
terms. McDermott scarcely spoke to him. Farther on he 
saw Edward Sweeny, another member, across the street at 
a lamp-post. He called to him and asked if he had seen 
McAndrew. Sweeny, coming over, said that he had, about 
an hour since. ‘‘ Had he gone to bed?’’ Sweeny thought 
not. The manner of Sweeny tended to confirm McKenna 
in his belief that foul play was intended. He did not dare, 
however, to let his suspicions appear, and acted as if he 
had not noticed the change in his reception. He deter- 
mined, if possible, to learn the full extent of his danger. 
He knew that, usually, he had much influence with McAn- 
drew; but he had been popular with all his associates, and 
he feared there was not one left upon whom he could rely. 
He mistrusted the immediate intentions of his companion. 
They walked together towards McAndrew’s house, but Mc- 
Kenna, adjusting his pistol so as to have it within easy 
reach, managed to get Sweeny a step or two ahead, and to 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 265 


keep him there. When they arrived at McAndrew’s house, 
McKenna, making a strong effort, endeavored to act as if he 
were certain of a cordial reception. But the effort was in 
vain. ‘The conversation was constrained. There was some- 
thing in contemplation which was concealed from him. 
Two men were standing outside the house without apparent 
purpose ; one was within, restless and disturbed, as if wait- 
ing for some signal. McAndrew appeared nervous, uneasy, © 
undecided. Sweeny got up and said he was going away ; 
to this McAndrew did not respond. 

Sweeny then left, but presently returned with a piece of 
snow in his hand, which he threw at McAndrew’s foot. It 
was evidently intended to call McAndrew’s attention to 
the fact that time was passing and that nothing was being 
done. 

McAndrew hesitated, looked for a moment at McKenna, 
and then said, ‘‘ My feet are sore; I believe I will take 
off my boots.”’ 

This was intended, and understood, to mean that the 
scheme which had been adopted to inveigle McKenna into 
_a crowd of men, by whom he was to be beaten and hacked 
in pieces, was, by McAndrew at least, that night abandoned. 
Sweeny then left. 

McKenna, concealing his suspicions, asked McAndrew 
in a careless way what arrangements had been made about 
the meeting, and received the answer that the hall had been 
rented, and that everything was right. 

But he was no longer in doubt. He knew that his 
death was determined upon, and that any instant the at- 
tack might be made. Still, there was much at stake; he 
had confidence in his own power; if he could only get a 
hearing he was satisfied he could disarm suspicion and re- 
trieve his popularity ; but in the mean time he had to save 
himself from present danger. When he left McAndrew’s, 
instead of taking his usual route to his boarding-house, he 

23 


266- MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


passed to the back of the house into a swamp, through 
which he made his way, and in this manner succeeded in 
reaching home undiscovered. 

During the following hours he had no sleep. He knew 
the character of his ‘‘ Molly’’ associates, and their modes 
of action. He knew Jack Kehoe. He knew the ease with 
which he could be dragged from his bed and murdered ; 
and with a full determination, in the event of an attack, to 
make his life cost them déar, he sat up all night, waiting 
anxiously for the first gleam of dawn. 

In the morning he saw McAndrew. He met also Ned 
Monaghan, the constable, 3 Shenandoah, James “Carlin, 
the body-master at St. Nicholas, and Florence Mahony, | 
the body-master at Turkey Run; but there was no appear- 
ance of a gathering convention. About eleven o’clock in 
the morning two ‘‘ Mollies’’ from Mount Laffee came in. 

Their names were Dennis Dowlan and. Mike Doyle. Doyle - 
was getting drunk, and both presented the appearance of 
having been up the night before. They said they had just 
come in the cars; but, as no cars arrived at Shenandoah at 
that time, the falsehood was manifest. 

.McKenna at once made up his mind that these men were 
selected to kill hin, Dowlan took him aside, and asked 
what was the matte, saying he had not heard. McKenna 
stated the case, and then Dowlan asserted that he did not 
believe he was guilty. 

Desperate as the position was becoming, the detective 
determined to make another effort. He announced that 
he was going to Girardville to see John Kehoe and learn 
why it was no meeting had been held that day. He hired 
a horse and sleigh, and asked McAndrew to go with him, 
Doyle by this time was drunk and in bed. Ned Mona- 
ghan and Dennis Dowlan said they also would go; and, 
another sleigh having been hired, they all set off together. 
McKenna, on their way, asked McAndrew to explain. 


oan 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 267 


McAndrew hesitated fora moment; he seemed in doubt, 
but then said, ‘*See here; you had better look out for 
Dowlan, the man in the sleigh with Monaghan ; he calcu- 
lates to take your life.’’ At the same time he asked, 
** Have you pistols ?”’ 

McKenna answered, ‘‘ Yes.’’ 

**So have I,’’ said he, ‘‘and I will lose my life for you. 
I do not know whether you are a detective or not, but I 
do not know anything against you. I always. knew you to 
do right, and I will stand by you. Why don’t they try 
you fair ?’’: 

It was this point that, independent, of the friendship he 
had for McKenna, seemed to  . McAndrew. The 
charge of being a detective was indignantly denied by 
McKenna, and a full investigation demanded. It had 
been refused, and, without a hearing or opportunity given 
to vindicate: himself, he was to be murdered in cold 
blood, and, as his friend, McAndrew "ee consent 


to such action. &. 

On their way MeAnaien £ f Jack “ne s visit to 
Shenandoah the day before, and the agreement then made 
to kill him. He told of the party in wait for him, armed 
with axes, tomahawks, and sledges. He was to be in-. 
veigled among them and Seatinatan McAndrew said, 
**T saved your life last night. You were in queer com- 
pany then, and you will find you are in queer company 
now.”’ 

McKenna’s determination never faltered ; he said, ‘ 
do not care a cent, I am going to Kehoe’s.”’ 

Kehoe was dumfounded when he saw the party. His 
plan had not worked. The man who he thought had 
already been assassinated had called to see him, on appar- 
2ntly the best of terms with the man who was to have assas- 
sinated him. 

McKenna indignantly demanded of Kehoe the reason 


268 ‘ MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


why the meeting had not been held. Kehoe replied that 
it was useless, that they were satisfied there was no use in 
trying him, and that he had countermanded the order 
given fora convention. There was a crowd of ‘‘ Mollies’’ 
assembled there, and, notwithstanding the satisfaction 
Kehoe pretended to feel, the appearance of matters was 
threatening. 

McKenna insisted that Kehoe had injured him, and that 


it was only justice that under the circumstances he should. 


have a trial ; that he wanted to know who it was that dared 
to charge him with being a detective. As McKenna him- 
self expresses it, he ‘‘took the opportunity of blowing a 
little.”’ a 

Kehoe said that McDermott, conductor on the Shenan- 
doah branch, had said that if he (McKenna) would go to 
Father O’Conner, of Mahanoy Plane, he would find it all 
out. 

Notwithstanding McKenna had, as he says, taken this 
opportunity of ‘* blowinga little,’’ the information given 
him by Jack Kehoe, that the charge of his being a de- 
tective came from the Catholic clergy, startled him. He 
knew that very many of the ‘*‘ Molly Maguires’’ were Cath- 
olics only in name and frora policy ; that they were infidels, 
materialists ; that some had so far thrown off allegiance to 


the Church as either to refuse upon their dying bed its last | 


rites or to receive them with ill-concealed aversion. 

But he knew at the same time that, whilst these men had 
but little regard for or belief in religion, a charge against 
him of being a detective, indorsed by the clergy, would 
be almost irresistible ; the ministers, if not the religion, 
claimed respect. Still, even in this untoward position 
he did not despair. The air of unflinching defiance which 
he assumed of everybody and everything was absolutely 
necessary to insure his present safety, and in asserting that 
he intended to see Father O’Conner he meant what he 


— " 
5) ae 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 269 


said. For the future operations of the Agency in the coal 
region it was requisite to discover how much was known, 
and he believed that Father O’Conner would be frank 
with him. After that interview he could resolve upon 
his future course. 

But the crowd gathered at Jack Kehoe’s that day was, 
as McAndrew remarked, ‘‘ queer company ;’’ the only man 
whom he could at all depend upon was McAndrew himself. 
It was intended to murder him then and there.* A bright 
idea struck the detective. He would excite the sympa- 
thies of Mrs. Kehoe in his behalf. Mrs. Kehoe pos- 
sessed considerable influence in . 7a circles: . She is 
an O’Donnell, a sister of Friday and Charles O’ Donnell, 
a cousin of James Carroll’s wife. She is a high-strung 
woman, of considerable force of character, but, like most 
persons of quick emotion, sympathetic in temperament. 
McKenna found her in the kitchen, and to her, as his 
friend, he told his story, and to her knowledge of his full 
and entire devotion to the order he appealed. He became 


very much affected as he recounted all he had done and ° 


sacrificed, and was then doing and sacrificing, to advance 
the general interest ; but he said he did not care for that, 
he was willing to do anything, to bear anything, except 
suspicion. Mrs. Kehoe was fast giving way ; her sympa- 
thies were being excited. McKenna saw his advantage 
and clinched it. He could bear even suspicion, he said, 
but, after all he had done, not the charge of being an in- 
former,—not that; and then he pulled out his handker- 
chief and burst into tears. McKenna was not a beautiful 
object as he sat there in his red wig and rough dress ; but 


* The intention was to take him into either the back room or shed and 
murder him. His body was to remain there until night, when it was to 
be carried away and thrown down some old slope. McKenna was sup- 
posed to have no relatives who would make any inquiries, They thought 
the murder would excite no attention. 

23% 


- 


. + 


270. MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


the sympathies of the woman were fully aroused, and he 
was the conqueror. She grasped the poker, and vowed 
she would make any one suffer who should attempt to 
touch him. 

But he had not succeeded in allaying the suspicions of 
the husband; he had only secured present safety. Even 
his avowed resolution to see Father O’Conner had not the 
desired effect. His death was determined upon, to be 
compassed at the first opportunity, and in the mean time 
he was to be closely watched. Upon his announcement of 
an immediate visit to Father O’ Conner, Thomas Donahue 
and Philip Nash, without his knowledge, started ahead of 
him. Upon his arrival at Mahanoy Plane he met them at 
William Callahan’s saloon. McAndrew had come over 
with him, as had also Dowlan and Monaghan. “™ 

Nash and Donahue called McAndrew aside, and had*a 
conversation with him.» McKenna, intent on his purpose, 
went at once to see Father O’Conner, but did not find 
him at home. Upon his return McAndrew informed’ him 
that the three men wanted to kill him at once and there, 
but that he had refused his consent. Donahue and Nash 


_ had not insisted upon the*matter, but Dowlan seemed 

“s determined, and said that he would do the job himself, 

~~ He wanted McAndrew to lend him his pistol in addition >. 
to the one he already had, but this was refused. 


Dowlan, probably for the purpose of screwing his cour- 
age up to the proper point, took one drink after another, 
and was fast becoming very drunk. This was perhaps 
fortunate for him. McKenna, in the midst of his dangers, 
was determined, and after the warning from McAndrew 
would not have lost his life without a severe struggle. 

McAndrew had now fairly enlisted in McKenna’s be- 
half; he insisted that Dowlan, on account of his drunken 
condition, should be left at Callahan’s, and that Monaghan 
should drive to Shenandoah alone in his sleigh. 





ff 


F 


€:: = 
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+ 


~~ 


athe 


. 


AND HIS ESCAPE. 271 


There was an intention that the detective should be 
murdered that night in his boarding-house, and for that 
purpose a number of men pretending to be tramps were 
around the house the greater part of the night awaiting his 
arrival. But this scheme was also thwarted by McAndrew. 
When McKenna proposed to go to his boarding-house, 
**No,’’ said he; ‘‘ you sleep with me.’’ 

‘¢ Why ?”’ was asked. 

‘¢Tt makes no difference; you sleep with me,’’ was the 
reply. 

McKenna did so, and next morning went to Pottsville, 
and in the afternoon returned to Mahanoy Plane to see 
Father O’Conner. But he was again unsuccessful; the 
priest was still absent. 

At Callahan’s he met McAndrew, Dowlan, and Doyle 
who had been left at Shenandoah drunk the day before. 
McAndrew told him of the escapé he had made the pre- 


“ceding night. The whole party treated him cordially. 


But his main object now was to see Father O’Conner ; 
upon that interview depended his future course. He con- 
cluded that he would not risk another night in Shenan- 


| @pdoah. He returned to Pottsville. 
. » He saw Captain Linden that night and told him of the 


& 


dangers by which he was surrounded, but persisted ‘in his 
resolution of finding to what extent the suspicions had 
gone. He proposed, therefore, to go to Mahanoy Plane 
next day. Linden agreed as to the importance of the 
visit, but said he would shadow him with police-officers ; 
which he did. 

He desired a witness to his interview, and the next day 
he asked Callahan to go with him; but Callahan refused, 
saying that he had had words with the father on account 
of a sermon he had preached against the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires.’’ 

McKenna went alone, and this time found Father 


272 MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, 


O’Conner at home. But he had observed a man named 
Michael Dooley, a member of the order, following him, 
and had also heard him enter the kitchen, ask the servant- 
girl for a chair, and seat himself near the door. The 
fact of there being a listener in the next room somewhat 
regulated his conversation. 

| He told Father O’Conner that he was the McKenna 
whom he had represented as a detective; that such repre- 
sentation had greatly injured him; that it had in fact 
‘ruined him in the estimation of some of his fellow-citizens, 
who were greatly enraged against him by reason of the 
report. He insisted that it was not true, and asked him 
to deny it. Father O’Conner replied that he had heard 
he was a detective, and, although he had no personal ac- 
quaintance with him, he thought that he was cognizant of 
crime long before its perpetration, which he could and 
should have prevented. He thought that he acted as a 
sort of stool-pigeon; that he knew all about crimes and 
took part in them, instead of reporting them as a detect- 
ive ; and he did not think it right. He said it was true he 
had written a letter to Kehoe, and had given it to a party 
to deliver, but that it had been brought back. : 

He said, further, that he had heard that he (McKenna) 
was a detective belonging to the Pinkerton Agency of 
Chicago, and that that Agency was employed by the 
Reading Railroad Company ; that Father Ryon, of Maha- © 
noy City, and Father Reilly, of Shenandoah, knew more 
about the matter than he did. 

Father O’ Conner was earnest in his denunciations of the 
‘Molly Maguires.’’ He said he had given these men 
warning time and again of the fate that awaited them, but 
they would not hearken to his voice and leave the organ- 
ization, and that now they must suffer. 

McKenna was equally earnest and louder in his defense 
of the order. It was a good society. He had belonged 


AND HIS ESCAPE. | 273 


to it a number of years, and he knew it to be all right. 
All the crimes committed in the county were attributed 
to the order; but they were not guilty of crime: on the 
contrary, they tried to prevent it; that was their special 
object. 

It is beyond doubt that Father O’Conner believed Mc- 
Kenna to be a very bad man and a participant in crime. 

He said, ‘‘ You were seen around Tamaqua about the 
time Kelly, Doyle, and Kerrigan were arrested, and you 
were seen in very close company with Kerrigan a little 
before Jones was shot.”’ 

**T had business in Tamaqua,’’ was the reply. ‘‘I was 
sparking Kerrigan’s sister-in-law, and of course I had to 
keep close company with the brother.’’ 

At this the father laughed, and said he saw no great harm 
in that. 

McKenna then took leave of Father O’ Conner, stating 
that he was going to see Father Ryon to get things straight- 
ened out, and that when he had done so he would notify 
him, in order that he might inform the congregation that 
he was no detective. 

Father O’Conner replied that if things were settled up 
in that way he would be happy so to state, as he had been 
injured in the estimation of his friends. 

McKenna met Tom Donahue at Callahan’s. He told 
them that it was all right, that he was going to see Father 
Reilly on the, following day, but that he must return to 
Pottsville that night. Both Donahue and Callahan seemed 
pleased at the result. 

On his way to the railway station he stopped at Dooley’s, 
who, on seeing him, laughed. : . 

‘‘T heard every word of it,’’ said he. ‘‘I was at Father 
O’Conner’s all the time, and it was a ’cute thing the way 
you gave your reasons for being in Tamaqua.”’ 

McKenna acknowledged the compliment. 

M* 


’ 


274 MCPARLAN’S DANGERS, AND HIS ESCAPE. 


‘* You gave the society a good lift,’’ said Dooley. 

°<T know I did:?’ ¥ 

‘* You were telling the truth,’’ was the next assertion. 

McKenna assented, left him, and went to the Frackville 
station. 

The career of McKenna as an operating detective in 
the coal region was over. His conversation with Father 
O’Conner had satisfied him that he was known, and that 
further concealment was impossible. He came that even- 
ing to Pottsville on the same train with Captain Linden. 
The next morning he left for Philadelphia. 

But he had succeeded in mystifying the organization. 
His loud assertions of innocence, his demand for a trial, 
his persistent efforts to see Father O’ Conner, and, above all, 
the conversation overheard by Dooley, combined to increase 
the doubt felt by many as to his being a detective. 

His disappearance created no surprise. Innocent or 
guilty, in the coal region his life was in danger. Shortly 
after he left, the case of Kelly was on trial at Mauch Chunk. 
It was known to the order that in this case he could be 
a most important witness for the Commonwealth, but the 
prosecution did not seem aware of his existence. He had 
‘entirely disappeared from view. It was hoped and be- 
lieved by Kehoe and others that there had been a false 
alarm. Under any circumstances it was supposed that he 
had been frightened away. | 

James McKenna was being forgotten; James McParlan, 
the detective, they had never heard of. 


KERRIGAN THE INFORMER. 275 


CHAPTER XXXVI. 


KERRIGAN THE INFORMER—THE TRIAL OF KELLY—PREPARA- 
TIONS FOR THE YOST TRIAL, 


THE excitement occasioned throughout the entire com- 
munity by the confession of James Kerrigan has been here- 
tofore referred to. That confession was the immediate 
cause of alarm to the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ organization. 
That McKenna was a detective was, in its worst phase, 
only a subject of suspicion, whilst in the matter of Kerri- 
-gan there was immediate, direct, positive danger. 

Notwithstanding the fact that McKenna’s death had been » 
determined upon, and that a large number of the organiza- 
tion had been willing to compass it, it must be borne in 
mind that such action on their part by no means indicated 
any firm and well-grounded belief in their minds as to the 
truth of the charge made agginst him. Once he had be- 
come an object of suspicion and momentary dislike, the 
death of an innocent man, occasioned by themselves, would 
excite no compunctions. 

Whilst, as a matter of fact, they had never throughout 
the coal regions suffered by reason of the spy, informer, or 
detective, nothing was more common than the denuncia- 
tion of parties innocent of even such a thought, with the 
deliberate purpose to betray them. 

This grew out of the morbid suspicion with which their 
natures are cursed. But suspicion had in every case here- 
tofore proved without foundation, and although in this 
instance the directness of the charge made and the source 
from which it emanated might well excite alarm, their 


276 KERRIGAN THE INFORMER. 


hopefulness of character induced them to dismiss unpleas- 
ant forebodings. 

It must also be considered that, bright and quick-witted, 
they understand one another perfectly. Sympathetic in a 
_ high degree, they will accord to a morbid suspicion all the 
force and consequences of an established fact, and act ac- 
cordingly, but at the same time it excites no surprise when 
it appears that what has been asserted as a fact proves to be 
mere groundless suspicion. They are governed perhaps 
more by impulse and prejudice than they are by reason. 

McKenna was thoroughly aware of this peculiarity, and 
hence it was that he had a firm faith that, once having a 
hearing before a convention, he could mould them through 
their impulses and passions, even were the evidence stronger 
against him than he then believed it to be. 

Jack Kehoe, too, understood this trait in their charac- 
ter; he had himself been shaken in his belief by the mag- 
netism of McKenna’s presence. He was not disposed to 
run any risks, and therefore he had countermanded the 
order for a convention, and decided upon his death 
without giving him the opportunity for a hearing. 

Reason might have taught, them that the charge made 
was true; but the courage that induced McKenna to incur 
a danger of which they knew he understood the full extent, 
his whole bearing and conduct on the last days of his 
intercourse with them, and, above all, the fact that, after 
demand made, he had been denied a fair trial, created 
sympathy and a disposition to accept his protestations 
of innocence. 

In regard to Kerrigan, however, there was no question. 
He had been guilty of the highest crime known in 
‘* Molly’’ ethics, and had done that which aroused against 
him the feelings of the Irish peasants as a class, however 
_ opposed as individuals they might be to the ‘‘ Molly’’ or- 
ganization and to ‘‘ Molly’’ crimes. 


KERRIGAN THE INFORMER. 277 


When Jimmy Kerrigan made his confession the great 
mass of the community rejoiced. A way seemed to be 
opened by means of which dark crimes would be punished, 
property rendered more secure, and a series of bloody, re- 
volting, and aimless murders checked. It was true. that 
according to his own account he was perhaps as bad as any 
of his fellows charged with crime, if not worse. It was 
true that he had always been lawless and desperate, and, 
except that as a soldier during the war he had borne him- 
self gallantly and well, there was nothing to relieve the 
unbroken record of a vicious life. It was also true that 
there is nothing either heroic or lovable in the character 
of an informer actuated by a mere hope of personal escape 
from punishment; on the contrary, there is in human 
nature a proneness to admire the more courageous scoun- 
drel, who, regardless of consequences, resisting all temp- 
tation, stands, in the face of death itself, hand in hand and 
shoulder to shoulder with his companions in misfortune. 

But it was not material in the minds of the mass of the 
community whether Jimmy Kerrigan was a hero or a dis- 
honorable, cowardly wretch ; he was guilty of murder, self- 
convicted ; the question was, whether through his means 
dark crimes could be unmasked, criminals brought to jus- 
tice, and an era of law and order inaugurated. 

That an ‘‘informer’’ could be found had been long 
hoped for ; and now that one had come forward, there was 
no disposition to believe that because Ae was wicked and 
guilty those implicated by his confessions were pure and 
innocent. | 

That upon his uncorroborated testimony men should 
Suffer the extreme penalty of the law no one claimed and 
no one desired, but there was no feeling of indignation 
aroused to prevent his testimony having weight if properly 
supported. If he told the truth, there was little fear felt 
but that he would be sustained by cumulative proof. 

24 


278 KERRIGAN THE INFORMER. 


But by many, very many of the best of Irish-American 
citizens, the news of Kerrigan’s confession was received 
with ill-concealed indignation. Men blameless in their 
lives, devoted to their Church, abhorring the ‘‘ Molly Ma- 
guires’’ and holding no intimate intercourse with its mem- 
bers, and who truly and sincerely bewailed the bondage of 
terrorism under which the coal region was held, denounced 
Kerrigan in unmeasured terms, and proclaimed him un- 
worthy of belief. The evil deeds of his past life were 
brought to light. With them it was Kerrigan who was 
discussed, Kerrigan who was vindictively denounced, Ker- 
rigan who was held in special abhorrence. 

Was there other testimony against the men charged with 
the murder of Yost? ‘That point was not considered. 

What were their antecedents? What had been their 
lives? Might they not be guilty? and, if guilty, should 
they not be convicted ? 

No matter! Kerrigan was to be upon the witness-stand ; 
Kerrigan was to testify against them. Kerrigan was an 
‘‘informer,’’ and therefore, forgetting the crime com- 
mitted, forgetting laws, human and divine, trampled under 
foot, sympathy was extended to the prisoners, and it was 
insisted that a conviction, Kerrigan being the witness, 
would be an outrage. 

A good Irishman is equal to any other good man, of 
whatever nationality. It happens, unfortunately, however, 
that whilst good men of other nationalities rejoice in the 
detection and punishment of crime, good Irishmen, as a 
class, rejoice only when that detection and punishment 
have been brought about by other means than that of the 
‘¢informer.’’ 


From this prejudice, almost inherent in the Irish nature, — 


much of the trouble in the anthracite coal region has 
arisen. 


That there are exceptions to the universality of this 


KERRIGAN THE INFORMER. 279 


prejudice is admitted. That prejudices and modes of 
thought having their origin beyond the ocean, with no 
application to existing conditions here, should be discarded 
is not only of great moment to the whole body of the 
nation, but is absolutely essential to the welfare of Irish- 
American citizens. If their prejudice against an ‘‘informer’’ 
is to induce sympathy with criminals, they will them- 
selves be responsible for general judgment against the whole 
body of the Irish people.* 

But if the indignation of very many of the best of Irish- 
men arose against Kerrigan, the intensity of feeling among 
the ‘‘ Mollies’’ can be better imagined than described. 
No man with whom he had intimately associated or had 
been on terms of friendship spoke of him except with 
curses. Aid of every kind, from such, was withdrawn. 
Men whom he had never seen, never heard of, had been 
willing to come forward and perjure themselves in his be- 
half. Now, however, that he had proved to be an ‘ in- 
former,’’ even the wife who had been his faithful friend 
and companion, ready to screen him from the conse- 
quences of his darkest crimes, who had borne his bru- 
tality when, drunken and quarrelsome, he had made his 
home a hell on earth, who had experienced with him want 
and suffering without a murmur, who loved him, sympa- 
thized with him, did kindly, tender things when he was 
accused of murder and confined in prison,—even she now 
turned against him. ‘The walls of the jail were the only 
protection for his life. 

During the prevalence of this feeling the case of the 


* Since the true character of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ has been shown by 
indisputable testimony, there has been open denunciation of the order by 
the Irish people in the anthracite coal regions as well as elsewhere. That 
they should be unwilling to believe in the possibility of so terrible an 
organization among Irishmen is natural; they regard the order as not 
oniy a disgrace to common humanity but as a special stigma upon the 
Irish name. 


280 THE! ARIAL” OF RELIG. 


Commonwealth vs. Edward Kelly, for the murder of John 
P. Jones, was on the 27th day of March, 1876, called for 
trial at Mauch Chunk. ‘The same counsel appeared on the 
part of the Commonwealth as in the Doyle case. On- the 
part of the defense appeared Hon. Lin Bartholomew, 
Daniel Kalbfus, Esq., General John D. Bertolette, and 
Edward Mulhearn, Esq. Application was also made in 
this case for a change of venue and refused. 

After disposing of all dilatory pleas, Judge Dreher di- 
rected a jury to be called. The trial occupied about ten 
days. The evidence was a repetition of that already given 
on the trial of Doyle, and was of the same overwhelming 
and crushing character. The whole story of the crime 
was given in evidence, and the prisoner was identified as 
one of the murderers. Great excitement prevailed, but 
not approaching in intensity to that existing during the 
trial of Doyle. 

It had been confidently expected that James Kerrigan 
would be offered as a witness; but the experienced counsel 
for the prosecution were too wary for such a course. With- 
out him they felt secure in establishing by unquestionable 
testimony the guilt of the prisoner. They did not propose 
to open the door to testimony relative to the character of 
Kerrigan and thus furnish material for the speeches of the 
prisoner’s counsel in any attack that might be made on 
him. 

By reason of this policy being adopted, this case, like 
the one before tried, was submitted to the jury on the tes- 
timony offered by the Commonwealth. | 

The prisoner’s counsel made eloquent appeals. They 
urged that a doubt might exist as to the guilt of the prisoner, 
and they invoked sympathy on account of his youth, and 
for the sufferings of the poor, desolate, widowed, almost 
crazed mother of the boy. | 

The review of the testimony by the Commonwealth, by 


THE TRIAL OF KELLY. 281 


which every point was covered, removed any possibility 
of doubt, and a reference to the widowed wife and or- 
phaned children of John P. Jones changed the current of 
sympathy, 

The charge of Judge Dreher was, as usual, clear, method- 
ical, unimpassioned,—a calm review of the facts and the 
law. 

On the morning of the 6th of April, the jury, for the 
second time in the history of the anthracite coal regions, 
rendered a verdict of ‘‘ murder in the first degree’’ against 
a ‘* Molly Maguire.’’ | 

A motion was made and reasons were filed for a new 
trial. A few days afterwards an argument was heard, and 
the motion dismissed. 

The prisoner was sentenced to death by Judge Dreher. 

Death-warrants were issued by Governor Hartranft fixing 
the day of execution for Doyle, May 3, and for Kelly, 
May 4, 1876. oe 

On the 27th of April writs of error were taken to the 
Supreme Court, which superseded the death-warrants for 
the time being. The cases have not at the time of this 
writing been argued. 

To say that by the verdicts in the cases of Doyle and 
Kelly, and the prompt issuing of the death-warrants by 
the Governor fixing a day of execution, with the confes- 
sion of Kerrigan, the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ were thoroughly - 
aroused and alarmed, hardly expresses their condition. 
They were almost, but not quite, panic-stricken.* 

It is true that their usual defense of an ‘‘alibi,’’ in which, 
from experience, they had learned to place implicit con- 


* By a number of the most ignorant among them the acquittal of Kelly 
had been anticipated, Doyle having been already convicted of the same 
offense. That two men should suffer for the same murder was, according 
to their ideas, rank injustice. ‘This view was strongly urged by Irishwomen 
of ‘‘ Molly” proclivities. 
{ 24* . 


282° PREPARATIONS FOR THE YOST TRIAL. 


fidence, had in these cases proved unavailing; neverthe- 
less, not only was their antagonism aroused, but they were 
growing desperate under the repeated blows struck at 
them, and a determined resistance was necessary to pre- 
vent total demoralization. After a long’ lease of almost 
absolute power, utter ruin threatened them. One great 
source of their power had been in the absolute control of 
township funds. During the year preceding the trial of 
Doyle and Kelly, the township affairs of Schuylkill County 
were investigated by special auditors, under the direction of 
the courts. Reports of these auditors had been made, and 
others were expected, which developed a damaging condi- 
tion of management in those having the control. In the 
latter part of February an arrest of a township official had 
been made on the charge of forgery. Other arrests were 
anticipated, and earnest efforts were made, under authority 
of special laws, to enforce an honest administration in the 
future. ‘ 

The ‘‘ Mollies’’ were checked in their career of open 
outrage not only by the strong arm of the law, but also by 
the unexpected resistance and retaliation which during the 
few preceding months had been waged against them. 
Nevertheless, active measures of defense were determined 
upon in the Yost case, with strong hopes of a successful 
result. 

The character of the several ‘‘alibis’’ for those charged 
with the murder of policeman Yost had been determined 
upon. The witnesses had been obtained, and were pre- 
pared to swear as the necessities of the case might de- 
mand. : 

In the case of McGeehan, witnesses were prepared to 
swear that he had been at Summit Hill the afternoon and 
evening of the 5th of July, the date of the murder, and 
that he was in his bed and asleep at the time of its occur- 
rence. Boyle, who was a man of intemperate habits, was 


PREPARATIONS FOR THE YOST TRIAL. 283 


to be shown to have been that evening among his friends, 
very drunk. Several of the witnesses selected for his case 
were mere children, but were well schooled in the story 
they were to tell. 

So far as Roarity, Carroll, and Duffy were concerned, 
the truth as to their whereabouts that night was to be 
shown. If the absence of McGeehan and Boyle from the 
scene of the murder were fully proven, it was confidently 
anticipated that the character of the witnesses could not 
be successfully attacked, especially not to the extent of 
“sustaining Kerrigan, who was himself a self-convicted 
murderer. 

Kerrigan’s testimony impeached, Roarity, Carroll, and 
Duffy were considered safe. That any person could be > 
guilty of murder in the first degree who was absent when 
the act itself was committed, and was not physically con- 
cerned in inflicting the fatal blow, was not understood. 

The older villains in the order had pushed. the young 
men forward under the belief that they thereby screened 
themselves and in case of detection avoided punishment. 
A case of murder in which the ‘‘ alibi’? was powerless to 
prevent conviction was to them a profound mystery. 

The theory of the defense, therefore, was that, whilst 
Kerrigan was guilty, he alone was guilty. It was to be 
proved that he had a motive, arising from vindictive feel- 
ings towards Yost, whilst McGeehan, Boyle, and Roarity 
were to be shown to have been utter strangers. _ 

The defense was a plausible one, and it is not by any 
means impossible that, against Kerrigan unsupported, it 
might have been successful. If the attorneys for the de- 
fense were confident of acquitting the prisoners, as it is to 
be assumed they were, the nature of the defense proposed 
might well justify their confidence. It is not at all proba- 
ble that they knew anything about ‘‘ McKenna’’ or could 
anticipate any danger from that quarter. 


(284 . PREPARATIONS FOR THE YOST TRIAL. 


Irish criminals, as a rule, do not know how to tell their 
attorneys the truth, and very frequently a case is prepared 
out of court which bears no resemblance whatever to that 
which in court the attorneys are called upon to try. 

But support to Kerrigan was to come from a source 
which the prosecution had not hoped for and which was in 
no degree anticipated by the defense. 

McParlan consented to come on the witness-stand. 

Then for the first time he had a personal interview with 
Mr. Gowen. He told him the story of his life in the coal 
regions and of his determination to become a witness. 

Mr. Gowen well knew that no better work could be done 
for the companies of which he was the president than the total 
overthrow of the ‘Molly Maguires.’’ He was impressed 
with the man, and he determined not only to give the 
Commonwealth the benefit of his legal ability, but also to 
give the witness the moral support of his presence in court 
as president of the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and 
Iron Company, who had employed the Pinkerton Agency. 

Mr. Hughes and District Attorney Kaercher also had an 
interview with McParlan, and heard his story. They, too, 
were deeply impressed. ‘They were not only satisfied of 
the wonderful ability of the man as a detective, but also 
thoroughly convinced of his entire honesty and of his 
capacity to tell his story on the witness-stand. 

Both parties, confident and full of courage, awaited the 
coming struggle. 


FIRST TRIAL OF THE YOST MURDERERS. 285 


CHAPIN ER AAW LI. 
FIRST TRIAL OF THE YOST MURDERERS—MORE ARRESTS, 


At about two o’clock in the afternoon of Thursday, May 
4, 1876, District Attorney Kaercher announced to the 
court, then in session at Pottsville, that the Commonwealth 
was ready to proceed in the trial of James Carroll, James 
Roarity, James Boyle, Hugh McGeehan, and Thomas 
Duffy, charged with the murder of policeman Benjamin F. 
Yost on the night of the 5th and 6th of July, 1875, at 
Tamaqua. ; , 

Although this was expected, and the court-room thronged 
in anticipation of such action, the announcement created 
marked sensation. 

In Schuylkill County cases of the greatest magnitude 
have been tried ; suits in which were involved millions of | 
dollars; titles to lands of almost fabulous value; issues 
where human life was held in the balance; but it was felt 
that this case was truly, and to the full extent, an issue 
joined between the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and 
the prisoners at the bar. There was no turbulence dis- 
played; there was no vindictive feeling towards the un- 
fortunate men about to be put upon trial; but there was 
intense desire that if guilty no false sympathy, no manufac- 
tured testimony, should save them from judicial conviction. 
The feeling was deep and wide-spread that if guilty, and 
they should escape, the ‘*‘ Molly Maguire’’ would have won . 
in the contest ; that danger would then exist of capital being 
withdrawn from the coal region, of property depreciating 
in value, of life being rendered so insecure as to drive 


286 FIRST TRIAL OF 


away honest labor and leave the lawless and desperate in 
full control. | 

In addition to this, the unusual spectacle of five men 
at one time on trial for their lives increased the interest 
created by the magnitude of the issue. 

The case was to be tried before a full bench, his Honor 
Judge Pershing presiding, with their Honors Green and 
Walker, and Associate Judges Kline and Seitzinger. The 
Commonwealth, as in the former trials at Mauch Chunk, 
felt secure in its position, whilst the defense, calculating 
fully on breaking down the testimony of Kerrigan, were 
hopeful. 

When the case was called the Commonwealth was repre- 
sented by District Attorney Kaercher, with whom were 
associated Messrs. Hughes, Albright, and Guy E. Farquhar ; 
Messrs. J. W. Ryon, Bartholomew, and Kalbfus appeared 
for the defense. 

The prisoners had determined to be tried together. 

The bill of indictment was read. Clerk Aregood, ad- 
vancing to the table and addressing the prisoners, said, 
‘¢ Are you guilty or not guilty ?”’ 

The plea of ‘‘ not guilty’’ was entered. 

‘¢ How will you be tried ?”’ 

Roarity responded, ‘‘ We want to be tried by God and 
our country.’’ 

A jury was then directed to be impaneled. This occu- 
pied until the close of the court the following day (Friday). 

It was evident, during this time, that not only the friends 
of the prisoners but also the prisoners themselves, guarded 
as they were by a strong force of police, and entering the 
room handcuffed and conscious of guilt, were exceed- 
ingly hopeful. With apparently perfect unconcern they 
conversed together. They received, when they could be 
approached, many a hearty shake of the hand and little 
kindly token,—a package of tobacco, a cigar,—a thing of 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 287 


no value, but displaying heartfelt affection, and indicating 
an innate refinement in the Irish nature which not even the 
brutality of the ‘‘Molly Maguire’ can extinguish. The 
conduct of the prisoners in court may have afforded no 
indication of their real feelings; they are born actors, and 
it was in the part they played to manifest unconcern. 

Carroll alone seems to appreciate fully his position ; there 
is a sad look in his eyes, as if his thoughts are in the past, 
as if recalling an innocent boyhood, a youth and early 
manhood held in respect and esteem. He feels the dis- 
grace now upon himself and family. He cannot join in 
the assumed careless airs of his companions. When ad- 
dressed, he will perhaps smile slightly, but sadness at once 
settles on his features. He holds himself in a certain de- 
gree apart from his companions. 

Young McGeehan assumes, perhaps feels, defiance. 
Throughout the trial, that he has once lost hope does not 
appear. 

Boyle, evidently weak and irresolute, is yet impressible. 
McGeehan is to him evidently the master-mind. 

Duffy is rather handsome ; dark-haired, with a sullen cast 
of feature ; he betrays no emotion. ) 

Roarity has himself well under control. During the trial 
he does not blanch under the most damning testimony. 
He does not appear exactly reckless; rather curious as to 
what may be said, but indifferent to its personal applica- 
tion. 

Mrs. Carroll, with her two little children, is seated be- 
side her husband. She understands the nature of the trial, 
and would go through fire and water to save the father of 
her children. She excites sympathy, but it is whispered 
around that she is an O’Donnell, a cousin of Mrs. Jack 
Kehoe, a cousin of Friday and Charles O’Donnell. Still, 
no word is breathed against her. 

Mrs. McGeehan, a bride when her husband is torn from 


288 FIRST TRIAL OF 


her arms and thrown into prison, sits by his side, appar- 
ently happy in his presence, hardly realizing his position. 
Young and pretty, small. in figure, with auburn hair and 
fair complexion, decked in her wedding finery, she does 
not seem even to hear the testimony being given by the 
- witnesses on the stand. Her husband gazes proudly upon . 
her, whilst she, fondly clasping his hand, or, when wearied, © 
leaning upon his breast, has thrown aside the memory of 
past misery, has discarded fear for the future, and only 
feels that in the present she is with him. ° 

Mrs. Roarity, careworn and sad, brings her little children 
into court. ‘The youngest sits upon the father’s lap and 
crows and laughs. It fondly pats the face of the parent 
on trial for his life, and, unconscious of the fearful fate 
awaiting him, in baby wonder gazes at the crowd by which 
it is surrounded and the strange scene in which it finds 
itself. 

The jury was obtained with less difficulty than had been 
anticipated. Very little prejudice was manifested against 
the prisoners; there was a very general belief expressed 
by the jurors that they would be able to decide the case 
according to the evidence. 

Whilst the jury were being impaneled, earnest prepara- 
tions for the prosecution were continued. Captain Lin- 
den, on the alert, and full of resources and energy, in this 
case, as in the cases before and since tried, would quickly 
but quietly make his appearance, whisper’a few hurried 
words to the District Attorney, and then as suddenly disap- 
pear.. This excited no attention at the time, but arrests 
made on the following day recalled it to mind. 

At nine o’clock on Saturday morning the case was 
opened by District Attorney Kaercher. He told, with his 
usual clearness, the familiar story of the murder of Yost, 
and of the evidence that would be produced establishing 
the guilt of the prisoners on trial; that the testimony of 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 289 


James Kerrigan, the accomplice, would be offered, and 
that a man who for years had lived in the county, asso- 
ciating with these men, and who had learned the history 
of their crimes, known to them as James McKenna, would 
also be put upon the witness-stand. His real name was 
James McParlan, and he was a detective employed by the 
Pinkerton Agency. 

It was an eventful day. During the opening speech 
of the District Attorney, Mr. Gowen entered the court 
and took his seat at the counsel-table of the prosecution. 
Benjamin Franklin, chief of the Pinkerton Agency at 
Philadelphia, entered at the same time, and took his seat 
close by. 

No outward manifestation was made, but the opening 
of the District Attorney excited most intense expectation. 
The Lehigh and Wilkesbarre Coal Company had openly 
shown their position, and no secret was made of the fact that 
they had engaged the private counsel in the present prose- 
cution. ‘The presence of Mr. Gowen indicated that not 
only was his great and acknowledged legal ability to be ar- 
rayed in behalf of the Commonwealth, but also that the 
Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company, with its vast 
resources and power, was openly engaged in the contest 

with the ‘*‘ Molly Maguires.’’ 

_ The appearance of McParlan was anxiously awaited. 
The court-room had been crowded with people from an 
early hour; and the, until then, unusual sight of ladies 
in court, filling the grand jury box, attracted by the deep 
interest felt in the case, added to the prevailing sen- 
sation. ‘The morning hours were, however, consumed in 
proving the murder. Mrs. Yost, sad-looking and sub- 
dued, an object of universal sympathy, told of the lurking 
assassins ; the fatal shots to which she was an eye-witness ; 
her husband’s cry of mortal agony, ‘‘Oh, my God! Tam 
shot! My wife!’’ of his staggering to the house, and his 
N . 25 


290 FIRST TRIAL. OF 


falling dying on his threshold. _Dr. Solliday told the 
nature of his wounds, his certainty of death, and his dying 
declarations. 

Whilst this testimony was being offered, a rumor, soon 
to be made a certainty, ran round the court-room that a 
number of important arrests had been made. Very quickly 
copies of the Zvening Chronicle passed from hand to hand. 
It was true. That morning eight important arrests had 
been made, and at this time the jail was opening to receive 
the prisoners. They were: John Kehoe, High Constable — 
of Girardville, and County Delegate of the Ancient Order 
of Hibernians; Michael Lawler, of Shenandoah; Frank 
O'Neill, of St. Clair; Patrick. Butler, of Lost Creeks 
Patrick Dolan, Sr., of Big Mine Run ; Michael O’ Brien and 
Frank McHugh, of Mahanoy City; and Christopher Don- 
nelly, of Mount Laffee. 

There was no loud expression of feeling. Events were 
crowding too rapidly. Men gazed at one another in blank 
amazement. ‘Surely, surely,’’ it was said, “ the end is 
now at hand.’’ ‘* Surely the day of organized murder has 
passed forever.’” The members of the order, many of 
whom were in the crowd, seemed scarcely to realize what 
had been done. But on that day, for the first time, the ap- 
palling truth burst upon them. It was a struggle for life. 

iA Mauch Chunk, during the trial of Doyle, they had 
beén fearfully excited, but it was owing to the fact that 
individual members of the organization were in danger. 
They were then arrogant, proud, defiant, glorying in their 
strength, and resentful that even the strong arm of the law 
should dare to lay hold on them. Now, however, members 
of the order who had come into the court-room that 
morning hopeful and confident were panic-stricken; no 
one among them felt safe; but they looked dangerous; the 
feeling of utter desperation was upon them. 

James McParlan was called. The stillness of expectancy 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 291 


throughout that large assemblage was painful. Gentle- 
manly, quiet, and unassuming in manner, but cool and self- 
possessed, neatly dressed in black, wearing spectacles, the 
detective made his appearance. 

He told his story in slow, measured sentences, without 
any manifestation of feeling or attempt at display. His 
words were listened to by all, judges, jury, attorneys, prison- 
ers, Officers, all assembled, with breathless interest. Carroll 
and McGeehan and Roarity gazed upon him with wonder- 
ment. Upon their faces there was an expression which . 
seemed to say, ‘‘Can it be possible? Is this man now 
calmly and coolly telling of our past confidences the same 
Jim McKenna who, dashing and venturesome, we believed 
the biggest ‘Molly’ of us all ?’’ 

He tells his story. He was a detective in the employ of 
Allan Pinkerton, of the Pinkerton Detective Agency. He 
came to Schuylkill County from Chicago to join, if possi- 
ble, the ‘‘ Molly Maguires’’ and discover their secrets. He 
told of his life step by step since he had arrived. He had 
joined the Ancient Order of Hibernians. He was ac- 
quainted with Carroll, McGeehan, and Roarity ; had been 
in their confidence. He described his interviews with 
them. Hehad a slight acquaintance with Duffy. He had 
never met Boyle. Saturday night had arrived, and with 
his evidence-in-chief but partly given the court adjourned. 

On the following Monday it was evident that a bitter 
struggle was on hand. The Commonwealth had given some 
fearful blows, but if there was a flaw in McParlan’s testi- 
mony the attorneys for the defense were determined to 
discover it. 

The array of counsel on both sides was brilliant. The 
Hon. F. W. Hughes, the senior counsel for the Common- 
wealth, is a lawyer by nature, education, and training. 
Thoroughly grounded in the principles of his profession, 
by long and extensive practice he seems equally at home 


7 


292 FIRST TRIAL OF 


in any court or in the practice of any branch of his pro- 
fession. Impulsive by nature, he has become by long prac- - 
tice remarkably calm and collected in the trial of a cause. 
He but rarely loses his temper, and never forgets the 
points at issue. Comprehending and urging with force the 
strong points of his case, he is fair to the other side. He 
is logical and analytical in mind, and a fine speaker. His 
greatest talent, perhaps, lies in the general management of 
a cause; his greatest danger, perhaps, in the too great re- 
finement of an established principle. 

Mr. Gowen, a much younger man, is also of splendid 
legal ability. His memory is wonderful, and the rapid 
strides he made to the foremost ranks of his profession whilst 
at the bar are almost unprecedented. On becoing presi- 
dent of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad he aban- 
doned the active practice of his profession, and it is only 
occasionally that he appears in court. It is only by reason 
of their importance to the general interests of the coal 
region, and in fulfillment of a promise made-to McParlan, 
that he takes part in these trials. He is of fine appearance 
and pleasant manners. He has literary tastes, and is 
broad and comprehensive in his views. He cross-examines 
witnesses with great skill, and is an eloquent and im- 
passioned speaker. Like Mr. Hughes, he is at home in all 
the courts, and very familiar with general practice. His 
wonderful energy, executive ability, and versatility are, it 
is possible, his most prominent characteristics. Although 
very gentlemanly in the trial of a cause, he is perhaps too 
quick to resent an offense where, sometimes, none may 
have been intended. 

General Albright has been already referred to. He 
served with distinction in the army during the war of the 
rebellion, and has been Congressman-at-large from the 
State of Pennsylvania. He isa leading lawyer in his section 
of the State, and is in the enjoyment of a large practice. 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 203, 


~ 


He prepares a case with great skill, and understands thor- 
oroughly the facts and law in controversy. He is clear 
and methodical. He watches closely every point of his 
case and is ready with his authorities. In these cases he 
feels most deeply interested. 

District Attorney George R. Kaercher is a young man, 
but already a leading member of the Schuylkill County 
bar. He is in the enjoyment of a large and lucrative prac- 
tice in the civil courts, and will attain eminence. He 
takes great pride in his profession, and has a judicial cast 
of mind, being cool, logical, and analytical. 

Guy E. Farquhar is an attorney of ability, logical, ener- 
getic, and a sound lawyer, a rising man in his profession. 
He is the law-partner of Mr. Hughes. 

John W. Ryon, Esq., the senior counsel for the defense, 
is one of the able lawyers of Pennsylvania. He has had 
large experience in the practice of the law, has been a hard 
student, and has a remarkably clear, strong, logical mind. 
When roused, his statement of his points is as clear as pos- 
sible to be made, his reasoning accurate and conclusive. 
His practice has been extensive and varied. He is slow 
and deliberate in speech, but is full of wit and humor, 
which bursts out on the most unexpected occasions. He 
is a successful practitioner, but his strongest point is in the 
discussion of law questions arising during a trial. His 
combative nature sometimes arouses antagonism in the ex- 
amination of witnesses. 

Mr. Bartholomew is in some respects a most remarkable 
man. He is brilliant, witty, and eloquent, possessing in a 
high degree magnetic power of voice and manner; is a 
good judge of human nature, and understands the motives 
and hidden springs by which human conduct is governed. 
As a consequence he selects a jury well, exercises judgment 
in his offer of testimony, and cross-examines witnesses with 


prudence. His strong position is before the jury. By 
: 25* 


204 FIRST TRIAL OF 


reason of his quick perception on questions of law he is in 
danger of too rapid conclusions. 

Mr. Kalbfus has before been referred to. He-has a fine 
command of language, is a good speaker, is of sanguine 
temperament. Like Mr. Bartholomew, his great power is 
before the jury. 

Martin M. L’Velle, Esq., of Ashland, has been engaged 
as counsel for Jack Kehoe and others arrested the preceding 
Saturday. He is at the table of the prisoners’ counsel, 
watching with.interest the progress of the trial. Mr. 
L’Velle is a young Irishman, a Protestant, a graduate of 
an Irish college, and of literary tastes. Although in gen- 
eral practice, he is much engaged in the criminal courts. 

McParlan, being again on the stand, gave the signs and 
passwords of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which he 
identified in the coal regions as the ‘‘ Molly Maguires.”’ 
He explained the criminal nature of the organization, the 
systematized commission of crime, and the efforts used to © 
obtain the acquittal of criminals. He told of his inter- 
course with Kerrigan, his visits to Campbell, and the bar- 
gain made by means of which Yost was killed in consider- 
ation of the promised murder of John P. Jones. 

McParlan was on-the witness-stand for four days. His 
cross-examination was thorough and exhaustive. He told 
the story of his whole life, where he had been, at what he 
had worked, and for whom he had worked. The cross- 
examination recoiled on the prisoners. A large amount 
of testimony, rejected on his examination-in-chief, was 
brought out upon his cross-examination. When he told 
the story of his being suspected of being a detective, his 
demand for a trial, his escape from assassination, and his 
interview with Father O’ Conner, those present witnessed a 
scene never to be forgotten. Intense silence prevailed 
throughout the court-room, the only sound heard being 
the slow, measured words of the witness. The prisoners 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 295 


for the first time manifested uneasiness. Even the counsel 
on both sides were carried away by the tale of wonder 
plainly but thrillingly told. The ‘‘ Mollies,’’ of whom 
there were many present, listened with blanched cheeks, 
whilst the thronging mass of humanity in the court-room 
. displayed an almost painful interest. 

That McParlan had not been as bad as he had repre- 
sented himself to be, his former associates could hardly 
credit. 

** Did you not murder a man in Buffalo ?’’ was asked. 

*¢T never did,’’ was the reply. 

** Did you not say you did ?”’ 

‘¢ Yes; I also said that I passed counterfeit money, that 
I had obtained a pension from the United States Govern- 
ment to which I was not entitled, and many other things 
of like nature.’’ 

*¢ Were these things true ?”’ 

‘* Not one word of truth in them.’’ 

“‘Then you lied when you said so ?’’ 

** Most certainly I did.”’ - 

‘¢ What induced you to tell these lies ?’’ 

**T did it because I found they liked a man who could 
do things of this kind and not be found out. I did it to 
obtain confidence.”’ 

The above, whilst not an exact quotation, is in substance 
a portion of the testimony given on cross-exdmination. 

The witness, under the long ordeal to which he was put, 
never once contradicted himself. He was telling the truth, 
and he told it without embellishment. 

During the examination, a question arose as to whether 
the witness should be permitted to answer a question asked 
by the counsel for the Commonwealth. Mr. Gowen con- 
tended that he should, and in the course of his argument, 
becoming apparently carried away by suppressed feeling, 
in an impassioned burst of eloquence told the story long 


296 FIRST) TRIAL OF 


confined within his own bosom, of a ‘‘ Molly’’ candidate 
for Associate Judge, ‘‘ Molly’? Commissioners, ‘* Molly’’ 
township officers, ‘‘ Molly’’ constables. He told of a 
*¢Molly’’ who had been admitted to the jail as a guard 
over these prisoners, and of a ‘‘ Molly’’ Commissioner 
carrying the key of the prison in his pocket. He turned 
to the audience, and proclaimed the court-room full of 
them, and then, addressing them, warned them that the 
day of their power had passed, and that the avenger was 
on their track. 

The effect was electrical; up to that moment the full 
power of the organization had never been appreciated. 

Jimmy Kerrigan came upon the witness-stand. He was 
no longer regarded with undivided hatred: McParlan had 
rendered him of less importance. 

McParlan, at this time, never moved without being well 
guarded. At the same time, he was never regarded, after 
it was satisfactorily shown that he was a police-officer, with 
the same hatred that was visited upon Jimmy Kerrigan. 
That he would have been killed had an opportunity offered 
there can be no question; but it would have been done 
simply for the purpose of getting rid of his testimony. 

Kerrigan had by this time made up his mind to tell the 
whole truth, and not to shield himself in any particular. 
He is very bright and quick-witted, and understands fully 
that if any favor is shown him it will only be in consid- 
eration of his having concealed nothing. 

Day by day the trial progressed. The testimony cor- 
roborating the evidence of both McParlan and Kerrigan 
was overwhelming, and when the Commonwealth closed 
the conviction of the prisoners seemed certain. 

Mr. Kalbfus opened for the defense. He was denun- 
ciatory of both McParlan and Kerrigan, and promised tes- 
timony which would show an alibi so far as McGeehan and 


Boyle were concerned. It was not contended on the part 
& 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 297 


of the Commonwealth that the others had been actually 
engaged in the perpetration of the murder. 

The alibi as suggested was being given. The most 
notable witness was the wife of Kerrigan, who was called 
to contradict her husband and to fasten the whole guilt 
upon him. 

In her testimony is given a striking’ illustration of the 
Irish detestation of an ‘‘informer.’’ She had been a faith- 
ful wife to Jimmy long after he had been committed to 
prison at Mauch Chunk; but now her contempt for him 
was open and avowed. 

‘¢ When did you stop visiting your husband ?’”’ asked Mr. 
Gowen. 

** Ever since he committed the crime, 

‘¢Crime! What crime ?”’’ 

Mrs. Kerrigan saw her position in a moment: she hesi- 
tated, became embarrassed, and then answered, ‘‘ Ever 
since he tried to put his own guilt on innocent men.’’ 

But the crime that Mrs. Kerrigan meant was that of 
being an informer. He had been drunken and quarrel- 
some, and she had loved him. He was ‘now an informer, 
and he had committed a ‘‘ crime ;’’ he was an outcast, and 
she turned against him.* 

When James McKenna She attention to Miss Mary Ann 
Hegins, he was a reputed passer of counterfeit money, 
without visible means of support, of more than question- 
able record, and known as a desperate character. She was 
rather an object of envy among her companions. When 
James McKenna proved to be James McParlan, an honest, 
respectable man, a detective by profession, the girls laughed 
and jeered at Mary Ann for having an ‘‘informer’’ for a 
beau. 


»? 


was the answer. 


* Mrs. Kerrigan has since relented. She has been with her children to 
see her husband, and a reconciliation has taken place, 
n* 


298° “MOLLY PLOTS. 


On the 18th of May the testimony on the part of the 
defense was nearly closed, and a speedy termination of the 
trial was hoped for. Just after court opened, it was an- 
nounced that one of the jurors—Mr. Levi Stein, of Pine 
Grove—was ill, and not in condition to remain in court. 
In hope of his speedy recovery, the jury was kept together 
until the 23d of the month, when Mr. Stein died. This 
sad event of course rendered it necessary to discharge the 
jury, and the case went over. 

Notwithstanding the fact that no verdict had been ob- 
tained, what is known as *‘ the first Yost trial’’ will long be 
remembered in Schuylkill County as more important in its 
general effects than any case ever before tried there. It is 
true that no verdict had been rendered, but the full nature 
of ‘* Molly’’ crimes was now understood, the members of 
the nefarious organization were known, and their convic- 
tion had become possible. 


CALACP THOR = Xex elle 


MOLLY PLOTS—TRIAL OF ALEC CAMPBELL—TRIAL OF THOMAS 
MUNLEY—SECOND TRIAL OF THE YOST MURDERERS. 


THE intense anxiety prevailing among the better class 
of citizens throughout the coal regions reached its culmi- 
nating point during the trial of the Yost murderers at 
Pottsville. Great interest thereafter down to the present 
time has been manifested, as the history of the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’ has more fully developed; but the fear which 
had been entertained that crime would remain undetected 
and criminals escape punishment has given way to a feeling 
that the power of the law would be maintained there as in 


MOLLY PLOTS. 299 


other sections of the country, and that the destruction of 
an organized band of murderers was assured. 

The fact that Carroll, Roarity, and Duffy; although not 
present at the actual assassination of Yost, might still be 
guilty of ‘* murder in the first degree,’’ was then first gen- 
erally understood, and satisfaction was openly expressed 
that the deeper and more hardened villain who laid the 
hellish plan could receive the same punishment as the 
oftentimes less guilty instrument executing it. 

To the ‘* Mollies’’ themselves this knowledge was a 
matter of deep consternation, mingled with surprise and 
incredulity, and the approaching trial of Alexander Camp- 
* bell, at Mauch Chunk, was looked forward to with great 
anxiety. It was not contended in his case that he had 
been actually present at the murder of John P. Jones. 
Nevertheless, the arrest of Jack Kehoe and others at an 
early stage of the Yost trial, and still other arrests rapidly 
following, created intense alarm among them. Crime 
had been discussed, sympathized with, and perpetrated 
within their own knowledge, and to aid and abet the 
escape of a criminal had been by them regarded as a most 
virtuous action. Many were conscious of the extent to 
which they were themselves implicated, and lived in con- 
tinual dread of arrest. Numbers, under the influence of 
fear, left the anthracite coal regions, it is hoped forever. 
A general feeling of uneasiness pervaded the whole organs 
ization.* 

It was no longer a question as to whether the organiza- 
tion should retain power and position; the arrogant, con- 
fident feeling had passed away, and the appalling question 
remained, ‘‘ Who among us is safe?’’ The leaders of the 


# Even under these circumstances the Irishman could not resist a jeke, 
** And whin shall I see you again ?’’ asked one son of the Emerald Isle of 
another, on a street corner in Pottsville, one evening about this time. 
“On Monday next, me mon, if I’m not thin in jail,” was the answer. 


300 | _ MOLLY PLOTS. » Wiring 
order throughout Schuylkill and Carbon Counties were 
being arrested or were fugitives from justice. 

That in this condition of affairs, driven as they were to 
the wall, desperate means of relief should suggest them- 
selves is but natural. The women in sympathy with the 
organization were the last to realize that its power was on 
the wane, and by their voices and influence they counseled 
active, bitter resistance. In Carbon County General Al- 
bright* was regarded with special dread, whilst in Schuyl- 
kill the destruction of Messrs. Gowen, Hughes, and District 
Attorney Kaercher was discussed. ‘They were regarded as 
their great enemies, and they falsely assumed that, these 
gentlemen disposed of, they could have more assurance of 
safety. That they had no conception of the fearful retri- 
bution which would have followed the destruction of any 
one engaged in the enforcement of the law is not surprising. 
They reason from their own feelings, prejudices, and de- 
sires, and they had not then, they never had, and with all 
their-experience up to this time they have not now, a con- 
ception of the intense detestation with which their crimes 
are regarded. The reason of this is obvious: they have 
not themselves any adequate conception of the fearful, 
terrible nature of their brutality. 3 

During the Yost trial and afterwards several plans were 


* In Carbon County a plan for the rescue of Doyle and Kelly and the 
capture of Kerrigan had been matured. Two members of the order were 
to be brought to Mauch Chunk from Pittsburg. They were to watch 
General Albright, to form his acquaintance on pretense of business, and to 
arrange an evening interview with him in his office. He was to be de- 
tained there by force until after midnight, when it was supposed that under 
the influence of threats he could be induced to procure them admission 
into the prison. ‘The general and the jailer were then to be murdered and 
the prisoners released. ‘The arrest of the Yost murderers and Alec Camp- 
bell, charged also with the murder of Jones, disarranged the plan. As the 
details of the matter were understood at the time, the conspirators had no 
chance whatever of success. : 


at? MOLLY PLOTS. 301 


discussed among them, in one of which the destruction of 
all who might happen to be in the court-house was involved. 
Difficulties as to its practical execution, however, pre- 
vented any serious efforts in that direction. Besides, in 
its execution, the lives of some of their own number would 
have been necessarily forfeited. 

The chief object of their fear was, however, Mr. Gowen, 
the president of the Reading Railroad Company. It is 
not to be supposed that he was regarded with any personal 
dislike. There is among no other class of people a more 
thorough recognition of the position of the opposite coun- 
sel, and of the distinction between his official position as an 
attorney and his acts as a private individual. No people 
better understand the difference between McParlan, the 
police-officer and detective, and Kerrigan, the ‘‘ informer.”’ 
They recognized in-Mr. Gowen the attorney against them, 
rather than the president of the Reading Coal and Iron 
Company. 

But it was not a question of personal like or dislike: the 
attorneys were against them, and inflicting fearful blows, 
-and Mr. Gowen wielded the full power of a great corpora- 
tion. For their own personal safety they desired him out 
of the way, and that to do so they would have to destroy 
life was, in their view, immaterial. 

The apparent indifference of nearly all the prisoners 
excited surprise, and a belief has been entertained that 
news of an intended rescue had been given them; and this 
seems probable. One plan discussed among the. ‘‘ Mol- 
lies,’’ the full details of which are known, embraced not 
only the breaking in of the jail, but also the destruction 
of the town of Pottsville, and, if necessary, the murder of 
many of its inhabitants. In the fact that it is known 

that such schemes are contemplated may exist the safe- 
- guard against their perpetration. It must be borne in mind, 


however, that whilst in past experience almost numberless 
26 


302 TRIAL OF ALEC CAMPBELL. : 


crimes have been committed, far more have been the sub- 
ject of mereidle talk. 

On the 2oth of June, 1876, the trial of Alexander Camp- 
bell for the murder of John P. Jones was commenced at 
Mauch Chunk. 

The counsel appearing for the Commonwealth were Dis- 
trict Attorney Siewers, Messrs. Hughes, Albright, and 
Craig; and for the defense, Messrs. E. T. Fox, Esq., of 
Easton, Daniel Kalbfus and Edward Mulhearn, Esqs. 

This case was regarded as of the greatest importance 
both by the Commonwealth and by the defense. Camp- 
bell was one of the most influential men in the order, and - 
regarded as specially dangerous. He had planned, had ~~ 
aided and assisted, but had not executed the murder. He 
was known to have been for years the instigator of the 
horrors'by means of which Carbon County had been held 
in terror, and his conviction was felt to be justly due. 
It was also felt that his conviction would be most salutary 
in convincing the desperadoes of. the region that the ac- 
cessory before the fact, in the case of murder, could be 
held as ‘‘ guilty in the first degree.”’ 

The ‘‘ Mollies’’ had attempted to rally their forces since 
the close of the first Yost trial, and a determined effort 
was intended to be made to break down McParlan’s tes- 
timony if possible. As usual, they had no difficulty in 
obtaining witnesses. The murder of Jones was proven, as 
in former cases, to have been committed by Doyle and 
Kelly. 

The whole history of the transaction, including the bar- 
gain in consideration of which John P. Jones was assas- ° 
sinated in exchange for the murder of policeman Yost, - 
was. given in- evidence by McParlan and Kerrigan. A 
most gallant contest was made by E. T. Fox, Esq., who 
has justly the reputation of a leading lawyer in the Lehigh 
Valley, supported by Mr. Kalbfus. 


“t.». : XX 


€ TRIAL OF ALEC CAMPBELL. 303 


Witness after witness was called, among whom was John 
J. Slattery, in contradiction of the deteetive and the ‘‘ in- 
former ;’’ but unfortunately for the prisoner, and unfor- 
tunately for the witnesses themselves, they broke down, as 
was to be expected, under able and well-directed cross- 


examination. Not only was James McParlan, the police-_ 


officer and honest man, sustained, but also James Kerrigan, 
the self-convicted murderer. And for the same reason: 
they both told the truth. When the Commonwealth closed 
their testimony, the conviction of the prisoners was prob- 
able. When the testimony for the defense was all in, it 
was absolutely certain. 

During the trial the court-room was, as usual in these 
cases, crowded. One of the most notable scenes occurred 
in argument on the admission of Kerrigan as a witness. 
Mr. Fox objected to his testimony on the ground that he 
was an accomplice, and that its admission was discretionary 
with the court. In arguing that, in this case, the court 
should exercise its discretion against such admission, he 
took occasion to denounce Jimmy in most unmeasured 


terms, and spoke of the wrong that would be done to | 


society in convicting any one upon such evidence. Mr. 
Hughes, in the first instance, discussed the legal proposi- 
tion, and then, in a burst of thrilling eloquence, portrayed 
the wrongs done to society by Campbeli, who was a leader 
among leaders and a chief among chieftains, and by his 
criminal associates; he spoke of the ‘ Molly’’ reigning 


with brutal and unhallowed power in the past, and of the’ 


doom that was upon him in the present; how, by his foul 
crimes, society had been disorganized, homes rendered 


desolate, and the widow and orphan thrown bi ais. a: 


on the world. 

The testimony of Kerrigan was admitted by yds 
Dreher upon the legal proposition and in the exercise of 
his discretion. 


304 TRIAL OF THOMAS MUNLEY. 


On the tst of July the jury returned a verdict of ‘‘ guilty 
of murder in the first degree’’ against Alexander Campbell, — 
the third conviction of this kind in the coal regions, and 
all of them in Carbon County. 

Shortly after this trial a number of witnesses for the de- 
fense were arrested and bound over to answer the charge 
of perjury. 

In the mean time, on the 27th of June, at Pottsville, the 
case of the Commonwealth vs. Thomas Munley and Charles 
McAllister was announced for trial before his Honor Judge 
Green. 

Charles McAllister, one of the defendants, demanded a 
separate trial, and District Attorney Kaercher elected to 
first try Thomas Munley. 

The case opened with District Attorney Kaercher, F. B. 
Gowen, and Guy E. Farquhar, Esqs., for the Common- 
wealth, and Messrs. Ryon, Bartholomew, L’Velle, and S. 
A. Garrett, Esqs., for the defense. Upon the conclusion 
of the Campbell trial at Mauch Chunk, Messrs. Hughes 
and Albright also appeared for the Commonwealth. ‘The 
prisoner was charged in-the indictment with the murder of 
Thomas Sanger at Raven’s Run on the preceding 1st of 
Septembers 

It will be remembered that Thomas Sanger was, together 
with William Uren, murdered by Friday O’Donnell and 
Thomas Munley, whilst Charles O’Donnell, McAllister, 
and Doyle were at the same time firing at the crowd and 
preventing interference. ‘There were nearly one hundred 
men assembled at Raven’s Run, and yet, strange to say, 
of all the workmen there assembled, not one could be found 
who could identify Thomas Munley as having been there 
that morning, though there were none who would swear 
that he was not present and committed the act. They had 
seen five men there, but their faces were hidden under their 
hats, and their coats drawn up; they were bewildered ; the 


> 


TRIAL OF THOMAS MUNLEY. 305 


action of the tragedy had been too rapid. Robert Heaton, 
one of the proprietors of the colliery, who had rushed from 
his porch and exchanged shots with the fugitives, was alone 
able to swear positively to the identity of the prisoner. 

The defense was an “ alibi.’’ 

McParlan, it is true, swore positively to the confessions 
of Munley, made at Muff Lawler’s tavern at Shenandoah, 
on the morning of the murder, and directly after its perpe- 
tration, but ground for his contradiction was laid by the 
defendant’s attorneys in his cross-examination. Hope was 
entertained that by means of the number of witnesses to 
be produced, showing Munley’s presence elsewhere at the 
time of the murder at Raven’s Run, a question might be 
made as to whether Mr. Heaton was not mistaken, and such 
a reasonable doubt established as would acquit the prisoner. 
But the ill success attending the attack upon McParlan at 
Mauch Chunk was discouraging ; and whilst the attempt, to 
contradict him was not wholly abandoned, many of the 
points made at Mauch Chunk were not pressed. 

The Commonwealth, moreover, unexpectedly obtained 
two witnesses that had not been calculated upon. 

A Mrs. Williams, who lived at Raven’s Run at the time 
of the murder of Sanger and Uren, impelled by curiosity, 
visited the court-room during the progress of the trial. 
From the place where she was sitting in the room she had 
a side view of the prisoner’s face; she recognized it at 
once. She was in her house with her son, a mere lad, on 
the morning of the murder. Hearing the noise outside, 
the boy ran to the door, and the mother, anxious for his 
safety, followed him to draw him back. The door was 
opened, and just at that moment a man passed with a pistol 
in his hand, and his side face towards het. The view she 
had was but for an instant, but an impression was made 
never to be forgotten. That face was printed on her 


brain. It was the face of Thomas Munley, the prisoner at 
26* 


306 TRIAL OF THOMAS MUNLEY. 


the bar, she told a friend sitting by her side. Quickly 
was Captain Linden in possession of the fact. Quickly. 
was it known at the counsel-table of the prosecution; and 
before Mrs. Williams fairly comprehended her position she 
was on the witness-stand and had told her story. 

The Commonwealth had closed their case, the defense 
had opened and were offering their testimony, when Cap- 
tain Linden unexpectedly discovered another witness able 
to identify Munley. A young girl named Belinda Bickel- 
man, a sister of Mrs. Weevil, into whose house, it will be 
remembered, Sanger ran after being shot, was present at 
the time, but, keeping herself in the background, had es- 
caped attention. She had no previous acquaintance with 
Munley, but had recognized him as soon as she saw him in 
court as the stranger she had seen with a pistol on the 
morning of the assassination. She had applied to Cap- 
tain Linden for permission to return home, when in con- 
versation with her he learned that she too could identify 
the prisoner. Application was at once made to the court, 
and, under the circumstances, Judge Green permitted the 
testimony to be given.* 

The father and brother of the prisoner were seated by 
his side. It being understood that they were to be ex- 
amined as witnesses, the one was requested to withdraw 
during the examination of the other. 

On the main fact, that Thomas Munley was in his own 
house at the time of the murder, they agreed, but in other 
respects their contradictions were flagrant. A sister of the 
prisoner testified to the fact that he-was at home that morn- 
ing. A Mrs. Hyland also testified to meeting him in his 
own house at a time which; if she told the truth, would 


have rendered his commission of the crime charged im- 

De i NNO 
* Prior to this, the testimony of either of these witnesses, it is probable, 

would have been difficult to obtain, Even at this time Mrs, Williams was 


the object of threats and alarmed for her safety. 


TRIAL OF THOMAS MUNLEY. 307 


possible. The case was ably argued to the jury by Messrs. 
_Kaercher and Gowen for the Commonwealth, and Bar- 
tholomew and Ryon for the defense. 

The argument of Mr. Gowen was an arraignment of the 
‘© Molly Maguire’’ organization. It has been published 
and extensively circulated. 

The case was fairly and impartially presented to the jury 
by his Honor Judge Green. 

On the rath of July the jury rendered a verdict of ‘‘ guilty 
of murder in the first degree’’ against Thomas Munley, the 
first verdict of that kind in Schuylkill County against a 
‘Molly Maguire,’’ and the fourth in the anthracite coal 
region. 

It was discovered through the examination of McParlan 
in this case that Charles McAllister, under arrest and in- 
dicted for’the murder of Sanger and Uren, was innocent 
of active participation in that offense. It was James 
McAllister, the brother of the prisoner, who was present 
at Raven’s Run with Munley, the O’Donnells, and Doyle. 
James McAllister is a fugitive from justice. 

The prosecution of Charles McAllister for the murder 
of Sanger and Uren has not been pushed, but he has 
since been tried and convicted for the attempted assas- 
sination of James Riles, of Shenandoah. 

It is said to have been arranged by the ‘‘ Mollies’’ that 
Mr. Gowen should be shot in the court-room during the 
progress of thistrial. The perpetrator of the act was to be 
protected, and his escape effected, by a number of armed 
men who accompanied him. At the time appointed, how- 
ever, a member of the organization was sitting in sucha 
position that his life would have been endangered by any 
shot fired at Mr. Gowen. To have executed this plan 
would have been such utter madness that it is more than 
probable that it would not under any circumstances have 
been attempted. 


« 
308 SECOND TRIAL OF 


On the 6th and 7th of July, and before the conclusion of 
the Munley case, a jury was impaneled in the case of the 
Commonwealth vs. Carroll, Roarity, McGeehan, and Boyle. 
Thomas Duffy demanded a separate trial. ‘The case was 
tried before his Honor Judge Pershing. 

The counsel for the Commonwealth and for the defense 
. were the same as had been employed in the Munley case. 

An application for a change of venue was made and 
refused. . 

The reason that the jury was impaneled at this time was 
that no jury had been summoned for the following week, 
and, owing to pressure of business, the District Attorney 
was anxious to dispose of this case.during the term. 

The trial began on the 13th of July-” “The evidence, 
with but immaterial exceptions, was the same as that ad- 
duced in the first Yost trial. Mrs. Kerrie, however, 
did not appear upon the witness-stand. It is stated that 
even before the conclusion of the first trial she had re- 
pented, and had determined to come upon the stand and 
tell the truth. Certain witnesses also who had consented 
to perjure themselves in order to establish an ‘‘alibi’’ for 
McGeehan, influenced either by fear or by a higher motive, 
refused to fulfill their promise. The ‘‘alibi’’ of Boyle 
was made out as in former trials. 

But, independently of the testimony of McParlan and 
Kerrigan, in material points corroborated by other wit- 
nesses, the evidence of Robert Breslin was utterly at 
variance with the ‘‘alibi’’ set up for McGeehan and Boyle. 
It will be remembered that Breslin met these two men a 
little after four o’clock on the morning of the 6th of July, 
and that they told him they were returning from a ball at. 
Mauch Chunk. It was shown that this was on the road to 
Tamaqua, and testimony was given to prove that there had 
been no ball or party the preceding night at Mauch Chunk. 

The effort to impeach the testimony of McParlan was 


S 


THE YOST MURDERERS. 309 


not yet abandoned. His cross-examination was thorough, 
but notwithstanding he had now been examined at great 
length in the three trials preceding, and in a number of | 
‘‘ habeas corpus’’ hearings, no material contradiction in 
any portion of the testimony he had given could be dis- 
covered. ‘The conclusion was being unwillingly arrived 
at that he was impregnable. 

The speeches of the counsel in this as in preceding cases 
were earnest and able. The speeches of Messrs. Hughes 
and Albright have been published in pamphlet form, ang 
have had a wide circulation. 

On Saturday evening, July 22, the jury retired, after 
listening to the able, well-prepared, and impartial charge 
of his Honor Judge Peétshing. 

At about eleven o’clock that night the jury brought in 
a verdict omgeuty of murder in the first degree’’ against 
all the defendants. 

The scene was a startling one. Notwithstanding the 
lateness of the hour, and the fact that the court-house 
is situated some distance from the centre of the town, a 
few moments after the ringing of the bell the room was 
thronged to its utmost capacity. Judge Pershing took his 
seat upon the bench. ‘The prisoners were brought in hand- 
cuffed. Their wives and relatives took seats beside them. 
The jury then entered the box. The verdict was rendered. 
The counsel for the defendants asked that the jury might 
be polled, and then each juror, separately as to each pris- 
oner, declared the verdict, ‘‘ Guilty of murder in the first 
degree.”’ 

The ceremony occupied nearly half an hour. There were 
but few there assembled who did not feel the solemnity 
of the scene, and yet the prisoners sat, with their wives 
beside them,—evidently by preconcerted arrangement,— 
all seemingly careless and unmoved. ‘The mental strain 
upon them all during that hour must have been terrible. — 


310 THE CONSPIRACY CASES, 


The wail of mortal agony wrung from those poor women, 
when the eyes of the curious crowd were removed, must 
have been heart-rending. 


CLEGACE Te RS ae 
THE CONSPIRACY CASES—TRIAL OF DUFFY. 


WHEN the jury brought in a verdict of ‘‘ murder in the 
first degree’’ against Carroll, Roarity, McGeehan, and 
Boyle, the battle against the ‘‘Molly Maguires’’ as an 
organization had been fought and the victory had been 
won. Although a united effort for the defense was made 
in the conspiracy cases against John Kehoe*and others, it 
was entered into with little reasonable hope of success. 

Since that time the fight has been spasmodic,—earnest 
sometimes, in the hope of clearing the individual charged 
with crime, but with no expectation of saving the asso- 
ciation from its just doom. 

That McParlan was telling the truth was now generally 
admitted by all classes of the community. Very few even 
of known ‘‘ Mollies’’ longer denied it. He was recognized 
not only as a truthful witness, but as a fair, cautious, un- 
prejudiced one; appreciating, if not to an unusual at least 
to the full extent,.the sanctity of an oath. 

This conclusion had been produced, in a very great de- 
gree, by the internal evidence of the truth of his state- . 
ments. That such a state of the public mind was a high 
compliment to McParlan is unquestionable; that he should 
himself be gratified at strong corroborative evidence, soon 
offered, is but natural. 

The prisoners convicted of the murder of policeman 
Yost entered a motion for a new trial, which was argued 


THE CONSPIRACY CASES. 311 


and refused. They were sentenced by the court to un- 
dergo the extreme penalty of the law. 

Death-warrants were issued against them, and also 
against Thomas Munley, convicted and sentenced for the 
murder of Thomas Sanger. 

Writs of error have been issued in behalf of each pris- 
oner, which have for the time being acted as a supersedeas. 
The cases have not as yet been heard by the Supreme 
Court. 

That perjury is a crime, punishable by law, and that 
danger of the enforcement of the law existed, the arrests 
of witnesses in Carbon County, testifying in the case of 
Alexander Campbell, and in the trials of Munley and the 
murderers of Yost, in Schuylkill County, now rendered 
evident. The ‘‘ Mollies’’ found themselves beaten at all 
points. . 

At the time of the verdict against Carroll and others, 
arrests had been made of men charged with the murder of 
F. W. Langdon, committed over fourteen years ago. Yel- 
low Jack Donahue was in prison. Dennis F. Canning, the 
County Delegate of Northumberland, had been arrested. 
John Gibbons, John Morris, John J. Slattery, Charles Mul- 
hearn, John Stanton, Michael Doolan, Edward Monaghan, 
and others, in addition to those before noted, were await- 
ing trial. 

It was known as to those implicated in ‘* Molly’”’ crimes 
and not arrested, that the officers of justice were on their 
track, and that death alone would save them. Sooner or 
later they would be called upon to answer at the bar of 
outraged justice for their crimes. 

On the 8th of August, 1876, at Pottsville, before his 
Honor Judge Walker, District Attorney Kaercher called for 
trial the case of the Commonwealth against John Kehoe, 
Michael O’Brien, Christopher Donnelly, John Donahue 
alias. Yellow Jack, James Roarity, Dennis F. Canning, 


? 


S12? THE CONSPIRACY CASES, 


Frank McHugh, John Gibbons, John Morris, Thomas 
Hurley, and Michael Doyle, charged with assault and bat- 
tery with intent to kill William M. Thomas. All of the 
accused were produced in custody except Hurley and 
Doyle. : 

District Attorney Kaercher, F. W. Hughes, F. B. Gowen, 
Charles Albright, and Guy E. Farquhar, Esqs., appeared 
for the Commonwealth, and Hon. James Ryon and Martin 
M. L’Velle-and S. A. Garrett, Esqs., for the defendants. 

Mr. Farquhar opened the case, giving a clear and lucid 
statement of the facts to be proven. . The case was a very 
interesting one. McParlan was on the stand, and exam- 
ined at great length. His history of the organization and 
its character, his own experience and adventures, were 
given perhaps at greater length and with more detail than 
in any of the preceding trials, with the exception perhaps 
of the first trial of the Yost murderers. ” 

The full details of the convention held in Mahanoy City 
on'the rst of July of the preceding year were given, and 
the, division meeting held in Shenandoah, called for the 
purpose of selecting the party to execute the ‘‘job,’’ was 
also described. 

Testimony as to the details in the preparation of the 
assault was given. 

Young Frank McHugh, one of the prisoners, was called 
to the stand, and testified to the meeting in Mahanoy City, 
completely corroborating McParlan. McHugh was the first 
of the prisoners, after Kerrigan, to make public confession. 
A result had now been attained which for some time had 
been expected. “As the fortunes of the ‘‘ Molly’”’ organ- 
ization became desperate, a very general desire to turn 

estate’s evidence manifested itself among the prisoners. A 
serious question for the Commonwealth now was as to how 
far it could avail itself of that evidence under any implied 
obligation which the use of such testimony would seem 


. Sty 


ey 


* 


THE CONSPIRACY CASES. 313 


to create. McHugh was a mere boy, and the least guilty 
of any of those charged with the crime. He had been 
under the influence of Mike O’Brien, but, it was believed, 
was not yet wholly corrupted. 

In this case the printed constitution and by-laws of 
the Ancient Order of Hibernians were given in evidence. 
There is nothing in this constitution or by-laws to indicate 
any criminality in the organization. It is manifest fi. 
the evidence given in the several trials that the avowy 
principles of the order are used as a cloak to cover its 
criminality: they 

‘Stole the livery of the court of heaven 
To serve the devil in.” 


The argument was made to the jury on the part of the 
Commonwealth by F. B. Gowen and George R. Kaercher, 
Esqs., and on the: part of the defense Dae M. M. L’Velle 
and Hon. James Ryon. 

On Saturday, the r2th of August, the case was sibimithed 
to the jury, under the charge of his Honor Judge Walker. * 
The verdict rendered was ‘‘ guilty’’ as to all the defendants | 
* in custody, with a recommendation to the court of mercy 
in the case of Frank McHugh. 

On the following Monday, his Honor Judge Green pre- 
siding, District Attorney Kaercher called the case of the 
Commonwealth against John Kehoe, Christopher Don- 
nelly, Dennis F. Canning, Michael O’Brien, Frank Mc- 
Hugh, John Donahue, and James Roarity, charged with 
conspiracy to murder William and Jesse Major. 

The same counsel appeared as in the case tried the week 
immediately preceding. . 


* A full report of the testimony, arguments of counsel, and charge of 
court has been published under the supervision of R. A. West, Esq., by 
whom the same was stenographically reported, and to whom the writer 
takes this occasion to make acknowledgments for repeated courtesies. The 
report has been extensively circulated, and forms an interesting volume. 

Og 27 


314 THE CONSPIRACY. CASES, 


A special plea was entered in behalf of the prisoners, to 
which issue was joined, that they had been. already con- 
victed of the offense charged, by the verdict of ‘‘ guilty’? — 
rendered by the jury in the case for assault and battery 
with intent to kill William M- Thomas; that the conspir- 
acy entered into at Mahanoy City on the 1st of June 
1875, to kill the Majors was one and the same transaction 
as the conspiracy to kill Thomas, and inseparable from it ; 
that as the latter had merged in the actual assault and 
battery, no right of action for conspiracy existed. 

The question as to whether the prisoners had already 
been tried for the offense charged was submitted as a ques- 
tion of fact to the jury, under the charge of Judge Green, 
who instructed them that the mere fact that these prisoners 
came together, and at the same meeting entered into a . 
conspiracy not only to kill one person, but to kill more, 
_ did not necessarily constitute a single conspiracy. 

The jury rendered a verdict in favor of the Common- 
wealth. The prisoners entered the plea of ‘‘not guilty,”’ 
anda jury was called and sworn to try the question of their 
guilt or innocence. 

The testimony was in many particulars the same as given 
in the preceding trial. The story of the meeting on Sun- 
day at Tuscarora was told by Kerrigan; the shooting at ~ 
the mark; the selection of the party to do the ‘fjob;” 
the offer of Slattery to pay five dollars to any man to take 
his place; the interest manifested by Yellow Jack Dona- 
hue, Michael Doolan, and Charles Mulhearn; the details 
of which have been given in a previous chapter. 

On the 16th of August the case was submitted to the 
jury, who rendered a verdict of ‘ guilty’? against all the” 
defendants. 3 a 

The same day District Attorney Kaercher called the — 
case of the Commonwealth against James Roarity, Chris- 
topher Donnelly, John Donahue, Michael O’ Brien, Patrick 


Pat ae athe 
ee ae 


THE CONSPIRACY CASES. 315 


Dolan, Sr., and Patrick Butler, charged with aiding and 
assisting to reward Thomas Hurley for the murder of 
Gomer James, the counsel on both sides being the same 
as in the two preceding cases. 

The interest excited by this case can readily be im- 
agined. The full story, the particulars of which are already 
known to the reader, of the convention held on the 25th 
of August, 1875, at the house of James Carroll, in Tama- 
qua, was given in evidence. By reason of the strange 
developments before made as to the open character and 
free discussion of many of the crimes perpetrated under 
sanction of this order, it would be imagined that nothing 
could occasion surprise. But the history of this day is 
almost beyond belief. That in broad daylight men from 
all sections of Schuylkill County should openly attend a 
meeting held at a tavern on the main street of a populous 
town, and without one dissenting voice, after open discus- 
sion among themselves, agree to reward the perpetrator of 
a brutal, cowardly, aimless murder, is in itself almost in- 
credible. But when, beyond this, it conclusively appeared 
that another person, jealous of the honor and reward 
claimed, should falsely assert himself to be the perpe- 
trator of this dark crime, and that a committee should be 
appointed to decide the question and report, it was felt that 
a depth of brutality and debasement had been reached by 
a large body of men possessing influence, and met in daily 
association, which even the long record of horrid crimes 
and ghastly murders could scarcely explain. 

But the evidence of McParlan, given in plain, simple 
words, without any attempt at embellishment, has since 
been corroborated to such an extent that the possibility of 
a doubt of its truth no longer exists. On this trial James 
Kerrigan told his knowledge and his part in that day’s 
proceedings, and now the evidence of another actor in that 
scene was also added. 


316 TRIAL’ OF DUPEY, 


Patrick Butler, body-master of Lost Creek, who, it will 
be remembered, was appointed with McKenna to examine 
into the respective claims of Hurley and McClain to the 
reward for the murder of Gomer James, was called to the 
stand on the part of the defense. Unexpectedly to most 
persons present, he told the truth; he corroborated Mc- 
Parlan to the fullest extent, and, more than this, he told 
of other terrible deeds perpetrated or in contemplation. 

There was no longer in the mind of even the most preju- 
diced any doubt of the entire truth of McParlan’s state- 
ments. The day of sneers and innuendoes as to a paid 
‘spy’? and ‘‘informer,’’ who, for selfish purposes, mag- 
nified the knowledge he had obtained, had passed forever. 

On the 2oth of August the jury rendered a verdict 
against all the prisoners of ‘‘ guilty’’ in manner and form 
as they stood indicted. 

The time fixed for the trial of Thomas Duffy for the 
murder of policeman Yost was approaching. Duffy had 
made no confession of his participation in the crime to 
McParlan. The defense persuaded itself that there could 
be no testimony of the guilt of the prisoner apart from the 
evidence of Kerrigan. That they would be able to con- 
tradict Kerrigan in such material points as to render him 
unworthy of belief they felt sanguine. 

The case was prepared with great care. Patrick Duffy, 
the brother of the prisoner, had since his arrest devoted 
all his energies to accomplish his acquittal. He had 
been at work night and day. During the first Yost trial, 
by his wonderful energy he assumed the main part of the 
vast labor necessarily required by the attorneys in its 
preparation’and during the trial. On his brother’s account 
he had been just as active during the trial of Carroll and 
others. Now was coming the struggle, in which his whole 
interest was centred, and the hope expressed by the attor- 
neys redoubled his efforts. 


TRIAL OF DUFFY. 317 


The case was called before his Honor Judge Walker, at 
Pottsville, on the 6th of September, 1876. 

District Attorney Kaercher, and Messrs. Hughes, Al- 
bright, and Guy E. Farquhar, appeared for the Common- 
wealth, and Messrs. Ryon and Bartholomew for the de- 
fense. 

The contest made on the part of the defense in this 
trial was earnest and even bitter. The energy and ability 
of the learned counsel for the defense were fully engaged 
in the struggle. Nothing was overlooked,—the case was 
fought inch by inch. But, notwithstanding their efforts, 
the same evidence, with immaterial exceptions, was pre- 
sented to the jury as in the former trials of the prisoners 
charged with the Yost murder. The whole story was 
told. Kerrigan as a witness sustained himself well. It 
was claimed by the defense that he was contradicted on 
material points, and on the part of the Commonwealth 
that his testimony was entirely reliable. With the cor- 
roborative testimony offered he was sustained by the jury. 

The testimony produced in all the cases is strongly con- 
firmatory of Kerrigan’s truthfulness.. His own statements 
bear internal evidence of their general correctness. He- 
has been corroborated to a wonderful extent in very many 
material points. Unprincipled and wicked as he most cer- 
tainly has been, there can be little doubt that he has 
made up his mind to conceal nothing, as against either 
himself or any one else. He appreciates that in that one 
line of conduct is his one hope for safety. . But he is very 
bright, quick in motion and quick in intellect,—a very 
rapid talker, anticipating the question before it is fully 
asked. His answer is on the instant, and the utmost skill 
of the stenographer is taxed in reporting him, entire ac- 
curacy being next to impossible. That he should exercise 
caution and care to the extent observed by McParlan is 


not to be expected. The two men are actuated by entirely 
27* 


318 TRIAL OF DUFFY. 


different principles. _McParlan appreciates the sanctity of 
an oath. Kerrigan’s past life would not indicate respect 
for anything ; but he tells the truth because he conceives it 
to be his interest to do so. The case was concluded on 
the 2oth of September, 1876. 

The arguments of counsel were carefully prepared, and, 
as in the preceding cases, exceedingly able. 

In the ‘‘ Molly’”’ trials preceding the present, Messrs. 
Ryon and Bartholomew had made able and probably their 
best efforts in the case of Thomas Munley, charged with 
the murder of Thomas Sanger. In that case, too, in the 
concluding argument, Mr. Gowen’s speech had been im- 
passioned, eloquent, and of great literary merit. It was an 
arraignment of the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization, and, delivered 
by the president of the Reading Railroad Company, com- 
manding its power and resources, its effect on the public 
mind, which under any circumstances would have been 
great, was increased. 

General Albright’s argument in the case of Carroll and 
others, charged with the murder of Yost, was an elaborate 
and telling speech, whilst Mr. Hughes, generally ingenious 
and convincing, had prior to this time made his best effort 
in argument at the trial of Alexander Campbell at Mauch 
Chunk. 

In this case the speech of Mr. Hughes, who opened in 
the concluding arguments before the jury, was both in 
conception and delivery a masterpiece. He endeavored 
to show the jury that the testimony, independent of Ker- 
rigan, would justify a verdict against the prisoner; that 
Ses s testimony alone would demand it, that Ker- 
rigan’s testimony as corroborated would compel it. As 
evidence was reviewed and connected which, scattered 
through the case, had excited but little attention, the con- 
viction was forced that such corroboration of Kerrigan had 
been given as to place his evidence beyond doubt. 


TRIAL OF DUFFY. 319 


Mr. Hughes, in treating the testimony of Kerrigan, con- 
tended that it bore internal evidence of truth, and in illus- 
tration related an anecdote in his own experience, which, 
as it illustrates what has been heretofore contended for, it 
may not be inappropriate to relate. ‘‘ Many years ago,’’ 
said he, ‘‘the late John Bannan, Esq., and myself were 
engaged in the defense of Daniel Edwards, charged with 
the murder of James Richards. We both knew Edwards 
well, and were both satisfied of his innocence of the crime 
charged. A witness was, however, produced who testified 
that he had been present at the time of the difficulty, that 
Edwards had incited a quarrel, and with premeditation in- 
flicted the fatal blow. Both Mr. Bannan and myself knew 
the witness was testifying falsely, that he was a bitter enemy 
of Daniel Edwards, and that he was extremely shrewd ; 
but we knew further that no perjured witness could sustain 
himself against a patient, well-directed, careful cross-exam- 
ination. But this witness seemed invulnerable. His story 
was a short one, containing but few facts, and to those he 
clung with great tenacity. He was two days on the wit- 
ness-stand, arid no impression on his testimony had been 
made, when, after he had fully committed himself, the 
question was asked, ‘ You stated, did you not, that you 
were standing very near by when this occurrence took 
place?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘You also stated that you were a friend 
of Edwards and of Richards?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Then, if you 
were in such position and a friend of both Edwards and 
Richards, why is it that you did not interfere in order to 
prevent the murder of one friend and the sin and _ punish- 
ment of the other?’ For the first time the witness faltered. 
The weak point had been found at last. From that moment 
he broke down. Within twenty minutes of that time he 
was off the witness-stand, but within that time court, jury, 
and all present were convinced that he had been lying. 
Edwards was triumphantly acquitted.”’ 


320 TRIAL OF- DUFFY. 


In this case Mr. Bartholomew perhaps made his best 
effort. He was deeply interested and anxious for an ac- 
quittal. He argued that Kerrigan had contradicted him- 
self on material points and was not worthy of credit. All 
his ingenuity, his magnetism of voice and manner, were 
fully enlisted. 

Mr. Ryon was roused to his utmost depths and was in- 
tensely earnest. He appeared convinced of the innocence 
of his client and that Kerrigan was with fiendish malice 
endeavoring to swear away his life. Mr. Ryon has powers 
of invective, and those powers were exercised that day on 
Kerrigan. 

District Attorney Kaercher had the concluding argu- 
ment. Cool, calm, and logical, if the jury had for a 
moment been shaken by the powerful appeals made to 
them, their doubts were brushed away by a clear and suc- 
cinct answer to all questions raised and fresh review of the 
facts in evidence bearing upon the guilt of the prisoner. 

The prisoner’s counsel had prepared, with much skill, a 
number of points of law upon which they asked the court 
to instruct the jury. Great ingenuity had been displayed 
in this matter. As arule, the correct principle of law was 
stated, but in such a manner that the facts of the case would 
‘hardly warrant the application intended. His Honor 
Judge Walker answered most of the points in the affir- 
mative, and his charge, carefully prepared and well con- 
sidered, was regarded as favorable to the prisoner. The 
case had extended into the night, when the charge of the 
court was given to the jury. 

The next morning the jury brought in their verdict, 
and the prisoner was found ‘‘ guilty of murder in the first 
degree.’’ 

The friends of Duffy were determined, if possible, to 


secure his safety. An important witness for the Common- — 


wealth, who was to have been called in rebuttal, disap- - . 


TRIAL OF DUFFY. _ 32t 


peared just before he was needed. It was shown that when 
last seen he was in company with Duffy, the brother of 
the prisoner, and with policeman McCarron. His where- 
abouts could not be discovered. The circumstance excited 
much comment. A conspiracy for the rescue of Duffy is 
said to have been planned the night the charge of the court 
was delivered. A way had been found by which entrance 
could be made into the cellar of the court-house. It was 
arranged that two men should go into the cellar, and to 
the point where the gas-meter was fixed. Ata given signal 
the gas was to be turned off. ‘The prisoner, who under- 
stood the plot, was to. spring forward at the moment the 
gas was extinguished, whilst friends stationed near by were 
to occupy his place. In the confusion and darkness his 
escape was to be effected. The charge of the court was, 
however, deemed so favorable to the prisoner that this pro- 
ject was abandoned, and the chance of his acquittal by the 
jury wasrisked. It is very doubtful whether the plan would 
have succeeded. Captain Linden had heard of attempts 
of that kind during night-sessions of courts, and as a con- 
sequence he was himself, with other officers of the law, so 
stationed that in the event of the slightest disturbance the 
prisoner would at once have been seized and removed. 

If the plan had been pursued, the scene that might have 
occurred cannot be thought of without a shudder. That 
large crowd left in total darkness—uncertain of what was 
intended, panic-stricken—in the room at midnight; the 
officers of the law anxious to retain the prisoner; the 
friends desperate, determined to effect his escape; the 
screams of the women, the rush for the doors, the use of 
the dirk, and the report of the pistol; friend and foe-not 
recognizing each other in the madness of fright ; men and 
women trampled under foot, mangled, and the life crushed 
out! Imagination alone can paint the horrors of sucha 
scene. 

o* 


322 IRIALS OF *#MOLLRILSF: 


ACPA ae oe 


TRIALS OF “MOLLIES’—THE SHEET-IRON GANG—JACKSON’S 
PATCH—WHOLESALE CONFESSIONS—SENTENCES., 


IMMEDIATELY after the Duffy trial, and during the Sep- 


~ tember term, 1876, ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ cases were disposed 


of with great rapidity in Schuylkill County. The power of 
. the organization was entirely broken. The prisoners were 
forced to depend on private resources, and in a number of 
instances counsel for the defense were appointed by the 
court. It is but justice to such counsel to state that they 
were, and at the time of this writing are, as earnest and 
conscientious in the discharge of their duties as if they 
were the recipients of large fees. 

Mason Weidman, J. M. Healey, Charles N. Brumm, 

Samuel A. Garrett, Hon. Myer Strouse, and W. J. White- 
house, Esqs., of the Schuylkill bar, have been called upon 
in important cases by the court, and freely and willingly 
accorded their services. 
James Duffy, Barney N. Boyle,-Kate Boyle, and Mrs. 
Bridget Hyland were respectively convicted of perjury,— 
the offense of the first three having been committed in the 
Yost trial, and that of the last in the Munley case. 

For all these prisoners sympathy is felt. James Duffy is 
an old man, whilst the two Boyles are in early youth. Mrs. 
Hyland is a married woman, the mother of a number of 
young children, who need care and attention. That the 
offense of perjury should be severely dealt with, that the 
purity of the witness-stand should at all hazards and 
under all circumstances be upheld, that in the maintenance 


TRIALS OF “MOLLIES.”’ 323 


of its purity all the ends of justice are involved, that the 
crime of perjury justly merits the full extent of the pen- 
alty allowed by law, cannot be questioned; yet to these 
unfortunate victims of ‘‘ Molly’’ crime a pity is given that 
cannot be accorded to the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ himself. 
There dare not, under the circumstances, be thought of 
mercy, and yet, as contrasted with those who induced them 
to commit the crime and have escaped punishment, they 
are comparatively innocent. The ‘‘Molly’’ has corrupted 
the moral sentiment of all over whom he exercises influ- 
ence. ‘The punishment of these prisoners for obedience 
to his commands renders the detestation with which he is 
regarded deeper, if possible, than before. 

Edward Monaghan, ex-constable of Shenandoah, was 
convicted of being an accessory before the fact to the 
assault and battery on William M. Thomas. 

Michael O’Brien, Chris. Donnelly, and Frank O’Neil 
were convicted of aiding and abetting the escape of 
Thomas Hurley. 

Michael, or Muff, Lawler was tried on the charge of 
being an accessory after the fact to the murder of Sanger 
and Uren. ‘The jury did not agree.* 

Lawler came on the witness-stand upon his own motion, 
and made what purported to be aconfession. That he has 
made a full confession is doubted. He told, however, 
matters of very great interest. He entirely corroborated 
McParlan in his description of the visit to his house by the 
murderers of Uren and Sanger. He gave very important 
details relative to the attempted assassination of James 
Riles, in August, 1875, at Shenandoah. He asserts that 
he (Lawler) was regarded with suspicion by the ‘‘Molly’”’ 
organization, a fact known from other sources, and that 
he was suspected by Jack Kehoe of being the informant 


* He was again tried, and found guilty, November, 1876. 


224 THE SHEET-ITRON GANG. 


through whom Munley and McAllister were arrested. fo1 
the murder of Sanger and Uren; that Jack Kehoe had 
determined upon his death, and was endeavoring to com- 
pass it at the very time when, with characteristic hypocrisy, 
he had issued to him a card reinstating him in*full com- 
munion-with the order. 

His evidence was clear as to the criminal character 
of the organization. He told a story, which is otherwise 
authenticated, of an intention to burn down and murder 
the residents of Jackson’s Patch, a colliery town near 
Mahanoy City. The facts of this case, as derived from 
the testimony of Muff Lawler, and from other sources, 
are about as follows: 

Throughout the coal regions, and particularly in the 
county of Schuylkill, there exists a feud between the Kil- 
kenny men and those from Queens and some other coun- 
ties in Ireland. This feud of course originated beyond 
the ocean, but has been intensified in Schuylkill County. 
Some years ago the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ organization was 
very powerful in Cass township, in that county, and among 
its members were a number of Kilkenny men. ‘The old 
quarrel and prejudice could not, however, be repressed ; 
and the Kilkenny men, being in the minority in the order, 
either left it or were turned out. Continual quarrels then 
arose, and what is known as the ‘‘ Sheet-Iron Gang’’ was 
formed in opposition to the ‘‘ Mollies.’’ The extent of 
this organization is not very well understood. That there 
is anything criminal in it is not supposed. Its object 
would appear to be that of defense against ‘* Molly”’ 
outrages. In the course of time the Kilkenny men became 
the most powerful in that section of the county, and the 
great majority of the ‘‘ Mollies’’ in Cass and adjoining 
townships, finding that retaliation followed very quickly 
any outrage upon a Kilkenny man, beat a retreat and 
settled in force over the Broad Mountain and in the 


FACKSON’S PATCH. 325 


Mahanoy Valley. But there, too, a number of Kilkenny 
men resided, and the ‘‘ Sheet-Iron Gang’’ was introduced. 
The two divisions of Irishmen naturally chose different 
localities, and Jackson’s Patch was held in possession by 
Kilkenny. 

It is said that a good Catholic priest was much con- 
cerned at the outrages and crimes committed by the 
*¢ Mollies,’’ and called a number of his parishioners into 
consultation. He suggested that, in order to do his full 
duty, and that he might break up the order, if possible, he 
should have knowledge not only of the crimes of the 
** Mollies’’ but also of the names of the members. He 
asked the assistance of his parishioners. His idea was 
to form a sort of detective police. 

But not so did they understand it. They took an origi- 
nal but Irish view of the matter. Their idea of breaking 
up the order assumed a different form. They traveled as 
much as possible in a body, and very frequently, when 
they met a known ‘‘ Molly,’’ they would give him a severe 
thrashing. They made a number of incursions into Maha- 
noy City, and upon one occasion beat James Doyle and 
Michael J. Doyle, who were on a visit there from Mount 
Laffee, the last being the man now under sentence for the 
murder of John P. Jones. 

That this condition of affairs should excite bitter feelings 
of resentment among the ‘‘ Mollies’’ was natural. ‘Two 
men, named Edward Burke and James Whalen, residing at 
Jackson’s Patch, had rendered themselves particularly ob- 
noxious, and against them special vengeance was sought. 

Where one of this band of ‘‘ model detectives’ could be 
found, there also were his companions. ‘They generally 
moved in a body. Irishmen have a habit, when walking 
together along a country road, of marching Indian file. 
The Kilkenny boys form no exception to the rule, and in 
Indian file they were generally seen. From this circum- 

28 


326 SFACKSON’S PATCH. 


stance, and from their being constantly together, the ‘* Mol- 
lies’’ gave them the name of the ‘‘ Chain Gang,’’ in addi- 
tion to that of the ‘‘ Sheet-Iron Gang.’’ 

The purpose of revenge upon Whalen and Burke excited 
considerable discussion throughout the order of ‘* Mollies’’ 
in that section, and it was finally determined to burn down 
their houses at Jackson’s Patch during the night-time (which 
would have caused the destruction of the whole town) and 
to shoot them down as they came out. Philip Nash, 
Bucky Donnelly, and John McDonald, of Mahanoy City, 
were said to be at the head of the movement. 

This occurred in the autumn of 1873. Muff Lawler, 
who is not naturally blood-thirsty, endeavored to prevent ~ 
the perpetration of this crime. Lawler, although not 
willing to engage in the active participation of high crime 
himself, was in constant association with the criminals, | 
had their confidence, and did not as a rule discourage it. 
Because in this matter he was expected to take part, he en- 
deavored to prevent it. He went over to Mahanoy City, 
saw McDonald, and attempted to persuade him to abandon 
the enterprise. He pointed out the serious nature of the 
crime contemplated,—the burning of houses, the destruc- 
tion of property, and the sacrifice of the lives not only of 
men but also of women and children, together with the 
indignation it would arouse in the whole community. 

The matter was discussed at length, and McDonald was 
at last convinced. He agreed to aid Lawler in preventing 
the outrage, if possible. 

On the night of the 28th of November, 1873, about two 

hundred men, under the lead of Philip Nash, Bucky Don- 
‘nelly, and John McDonald, assembled in front of Lawler’s 
house, with the intention of going over to Jackson’s Patch. 
Ed Monaghan was in the party, as was also Patrick Butler, _ 
of Lost Creek. | 

It was expected that Barney Dolan, County Delegate, 


WHOLESALE CONFESSIONS. 327 


would be present and lead the crowd. Dolan not making 
his appearance, opportunity was thus offered to both Law- 
ler and McDonald to make objections. Philip Nash and 
Bucky Donnelly wanted to consummate the enterprise, but 
under the influence at work it was abandoned. Many of 
the men assembled did not know what was intended to be 
done, nor did they care. They were ready for any act, 
however criminal. 

During the September sessions Thomas Donahue, who 
had years before been tried and acquitted in Columbia 
County for the murder of Alexander Rae, was convicted 
of being accessory after the fact to the assault and battery 
upon William M. Thomas. It will be remembered that 
Donahue paid John Gibbons some money, and took him 
over to Rupert in a carriage, after that assault. 

The case of the Commonwealth against Charles Mul- 
hearn, John J. Slattery, John Stanton, and Michael Doolan, 
was called by District Attorney Kaercher on the 23d of 
September. 

The charge against the prisoners was that of conspiracy 
to kill the two Majors, with the details of which affair the 
reader is already familiar. 

It was a memorable day in court. That the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguires’’ were disorganized, demoralized, and desperate 
was known, but the evidence of that fact, now being pre- 
sented, was nevertheless the occasion of heartfelt rejoicing. 
Charles Mulhearn, one of the defendants, a member of the 
** Mollies’”’ of many years’ standing, and deep in the con- 
fidence of the organization, entered the plea of ‘‘ guilty,’’ 
and the jury was sworn as to the others. 

James McParlan was called to the witness-stand, and 
gave testimony as to the convention held on the 1st of 
June, 1875, and the character of the organization. His 
testimony was received with scarcely a question, and yet 
Messrs. Ryon, Bartholomew, and S. A. Garrett appeared 


328 WHOLESALE CONFESSIONS. 


for the defense. They had learned from experience that 
McParlan was impregnable. Frank McHugh, convicted 
of the same offense, told his story. John Maloy, one of 
the guilty parties, told of the meeting of the Tuscarora 
Division. James Kerrigan, the ‘‘informer,’’ also testified ; 
but Jimmy, having been the first to ‘‘squeal,’’ and being 
regarded with the greatest antagonism, was subjected to 
severe cross-examination. 

Charles Mulhearn testified as to the main facts of the 
case, and, as an older member of the order than McParlan, 
and for years in its confidence, not only fully corroborated 
the detective, but even in this case gave information 
beyond McParlan’s reach. 

John J. Slattery, of whom much mention has been made, 
upon his own motion went upon the witness-stand and told 
his sad story. Slattery was a man of ability and ee 
and deep in the secrets of the order. 

The scene afforded a marked contrast to that of but 
little over four months before,—on the 6th of May,—when 
first McParlan went upon the witness-stand, in the same 
court-room, in the ‘first Yost case,’’ with the organiza- 
tion, bold and defiant, facing him. He then stood alone, 
for from such support as Kerrigan could give him he de- 
rived little’comfort. To guard his life he was surrounded 
by a strong body of police. To maintain his character he 
was doubly guarded, for, though he was telling nothing but 
the truth, he was attacked by skillful and earnest attorneys, 
and he well knew that if by perjured testimony he could be 
contradicted, hundreds would be ready to testify. 

But on the 23d of September he took his place upon the 
stand, having up to this time not only unaided sustained 
himself, but having materially assisted Kerrigan. Within 
a few days Muff Lawler and Pat Butler had told their 
stories, corroborating his testimony, and this day he was 
almost unquestioned. He was-now again corroborated by 


WHOLESALE CONFESSIONS. 329 


young Frank McHugh, Jimmy Kerrigan, John Maloy, John 
J. Slattery, and Charles Mulhearn, and the two latter 
understood the order thoroughly. 

McParlan was now able to walk the streets of Pottsville 
unguarded. It had been supposed that he had painted the 
devil too black; but that he had laid on the color with a 
cautious hand was at last recognized. 

But there was one not then ready to flinch, and that was 
Yellow Jack Donahue, convicted and awaiting sentence for 
the same offense for which Slattery and others were on trial. 

A question arose as to whether Stanton, the prisoner at 
the bar, was the Stanton who had come to Tuscarora with 
Jerry Kane. McParlan had no information or knowledge 
on the subject. Kerrigan said he was. Charles Mulhearn 
said the Stanton who had come to Tuscarora was a differ- 
ent-looking man. 

Captain Linden was anxious that no mistake should be 
made. On the part of the Commonwealth, whilst there 
was a determination that no guilty man should escape, 
there was no desire to convict the innocent. . 

One of the police-officers, well acquainted with Yellow 
Jack, conceived an idea, and upon his own motion put it 
in execution. He visited him in prison, told him the cir- 
cumstances, and of the trial going on, and asked if the 
Stanton on trial was the man who had been at the meeting 
in Tuscarora. The old rascal looked the officer full in the 
eye, and said, ‘‘The whole thing is a d—d lie. There 
never was such a meeting at all.”’ 

Slattery and Michael Doolan were convicted, but the 
doubt which had been thrown upon the question of Stan- 
ton’s guilt by the evidence of Mulhearn occasioned his 
acquittal and discharge from custody. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the regular session 
of the court a ‘‘ habeas corpus’’ hearing was held in the 
case of Thomas P. Fisher, County Delegate of Carbon 

28* 


330 SENTENCES. 


County, and Patrick McKenna, body-master of Stone Hill, 
who had been arrested during the week, charged with the 
murder of Morgan Powell, at Summit Hill, in 1871. 

Charles Mulhearn, an accomplice and eye-witness, told 
the story of the murder, implicating Yellow Jack Dona- 
hue, Matthew Donahue, Alexander Campbell, Thomas P. 
Fisher, Cornelius McHugh, Patrick McKenna, and _ others. 
Slattery gave evidence of the confession of Yellow Jack. 
The prisoners were sent to Mauch Chunk for trial, the 
offense having been committed in Carbon County. 

The wind had been sown, and the whirlwind was to be 
reaped. 

On the 16th of October a long line of convicted ‘‘ Mol- 
lies,’’ handcuffed and together fastened to a chain, were 
brought into the court-room of Schuylkill County for 
sentence. 

The solemnity of the occasion impressed all present 
except, seemingly, the prisoners, who assumed an air of. 
unconcern and talked and laughed among themselves. 

Thomas Donahue, accessory after the fact to the assault 
and battery on William M. Thomas, was sentenced to two 
years’ imprisonment at labor. 

Edward Monaghan, accessory before the fact to assault 
and battery on William M. Thomas, to seven years’ im- 
prisonment at labor. 

Barney N. Boyle, perjury, three years at labor. 

Kate Boyle, perjury, two years and six months at labor. 

Bridget Hyland, perjury, two years and six months at 
labor. , 

Thomas Duffy, perjury, two years and six months at labor. 

John Kehoe, John Morris, Dennis F. Canning, Christo- 
pher Donnelly, John Gibbons, and Michael O’Brien, con- 
victed of complicity in assault and battery with intent to 
kill William M. Thomas, were respectively sentenced to 
seven years’ imprisonment at hard labor. 


SENTENCES. 331 


John Kehoe, Dennis F. Canning, Patrick Dolan, Sr., 
Michael O’Brien, Christopher Donnelly, and Frank 
O’Neil, convicted of conspiracy to kill Jesse and William 
Major, were sentenced as follows: 

John Kehoe, seven years. 

Dennis F. Canning, seven years. 

Patrick Dolan, Sr., one year. 

Christopher Donnelly, five years. 

Michael O’Brien, five years. 

The two last named, together with Frank O’Neil, were 
sentenced to two years, respectively, for aiding Thomas 
Hurley to escape. 

The sentences of Michael Doolan, Charles Mulhearn, 
John J. Slattery, Patrick Butler, and Frank McHugh were 
postponed. 

But if the prisoners appeared careless and unconcerned, 
_ not so did their wives and families. With them the day for 
acting had passed. As the sentences were pronounced, 
unrestrainable cries of heartfelt agony arose. The dread 
reality was upon them. Punishment had come at last. 
The prison-doors were now closing for years upon those 
loved best on earth. Wives and little children outside the 
prison-walls are the sufferers. Desolate and unprotected, 
they are thrown on the world with blackened name and 
desperate fortune. God help them! 


332. <THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


CHAPTER =x 2 xr 


THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL—TRIAL OF YELLOW JACK 
DONAHUE. 


At Mauch Chunk, on the rgth of October, 1876, before 
the court there held, his Honor Judge Dreher presiding, 
District Attorney Siewers called for trial the case of the Com- 
monwealth vs. John Donahue afas Yellow Jack, Thomas 
P. Fisher, Patrick McKenna, and Alexander Campbell, 
charged with the murder of Morgan Powell. Separate 
trials were demanded, and the District Attorney elected 
to try Yellow Jack Donahue, who had been sent from 
Pottsville to Mauch Chunk to answer for the crime now 
charged. 

And now again was shown how the fortunes of the order 
had fallen. Yellow Jack Donahue was without counsel. He 
is an old member of the society, was body-master of Tus- 
carora Division, and a successful defense for him was of 
great importance not only to those with whom he was 
jointly charged, but also to the organization generally. 
And yet he was on trial for his life, and his friends and 
former associates were powerless to assist him. 

The court appointed Wm. M. Rapsher, Frederick Ber- 
tolette, Peter J. Meehan, and James S. Loose, Esqs.,—who 
have not saved him from conviction, for no skill, labor, or 
preparation could have done that, but who, nevertheless, 
represented him before the court with zeal and ability. 

The murder of Morgan Powell has been heretofore de- 
scribed. Its history as developed on this trial was substan- 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUVE. 333 


tially as follows. Alexander Campbell,* in the summer of 
1871, made application to Morgan Powell, a boss in the 
employ of the Lehigh Navigation and Coal Company, for 
a contract as a miner to work a breast of coal in one of the 
mines of the company. ‘This was refused, and he in con- 
sequence became very angry. He made complaint to the 
‘Labor Union,’’ but his was a case possessing no merit 
whatever. He was not a skilled miner, and had but little 
knowledge of the business, whilst at the time old and ex- 
perienced miners were out of employment for want of work. 
The ‘‘ Labor Union,”’ therefore, refused to interfere. 

This enraged Campbell still further. He had ability and 
influence. He operated among the ‘‘ Mollies,’’ and very 
soon inflamed them against Powell. He asserted that an 
Irishman had no chance whatever to obtain work ; that the 
contracts were given to the Welsh and English, whilst an 
Irishman was refused work, and in proof of this cited his 
own case as an instance. He very soon had Thomas P. 
Fisher and Patrick McKenna actively enlisted, and as earn- 
est as himself in plotting the destruction of Powell. His 
assassination must have been generally understood and 
agreed to among the order there, as McKenna and Fisher 
asserted that one hundred men were willing to pay one 
dollar each to have it accomplished. 

Men from a distance were required. Yellow Jack Dona- 
hue, who was then, and up to the time of his arrest, at the 
head of the order in Tuscarora, was consulted, and under- 
took ‘‘the job.’’ He.started for Summit Hill from Tus- 
carora for this purpose on the afternoon of December 2, 
1871, in company with Charles Mulhearn and Matthew 
Donahue. On their way they stopped at Paddy Maley’s 
tavern in Tamaqua, where they met by appointment a man 
named Cornelius McHugh, who joined the party, and 


* Convicted of the murder of John P, Jones. 


334 THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


guided them by an unfrequented road to Sweeny’s tavern 
at Summit Hill, where McHugh said they were to meet 
Campbell and Fisher.* 

At Sweeny’s they found a number of men assembled, 
some of them not belonging to the order. On this account 
the contemplated murder was not discussed. The drinking 
was heavy, and several fights occurred. This was about eight 
o’clock in the evening. After remaining at Sweeny’s for 
some time, the two Donahues, Mulhearn, Patrick McKenna, 
and Fisher walked down the street to the railroad, at a 
point between a store kept by a man named Williamson 
and the office of the coal company. While there they 
were joined by Campbell, who was at this time wearing a 
soldier overcoat for the purpose of a disguise. 

Powell was in the store with his son. The party waited 
for some minutes on the street for him to make his appear- 
ance. ‘The two Donahues, Fisher, and Campbell stood to- 
gether, Pat McKenna and Mulhearn some little distance 
away from them. Whilst waiting, the character of Powell 
was discussed. Both Pat McKenna and Tom Fisher said 
that he would give an Irishman no show, whilst Fisher, as 
proof of the truth of the assertion, called attention to the 
fact that he had refused Campbell’s request for work. 

Powell came out of the store and was on his way to the 
office of the company to see Mr. Zehner, when Yellow 


* It now appears (Dec. 16, 1876) that the murder of John P. Jones was 
agreed to before that of Morgan Powell.. Thomas P. Fisher urged the 
Jones murder, but Campbell, who either had more influence or more 
energy, was first successful. At that time Tamaqua was included in the 
‘Tuscarora division, and part of the consideration for the murder of Powell 
was that men from Summit Hill should murder a man named Coleraine 
at Tamaqua, who was living with the wife of an Irishman there. A party 
from Summit Hill went over to do the “job,”’ but Coleraine had disap- 
peared. When Powell was murdered, a party of men stood off at a dis- 
tance to see ‘‘the fun.” Cornelius McHugh has testified as to his knowl- 
edge of the transaction. 


os. 


ae; 


sir 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUE. 335 


Jack stepped forward, and on the instant leveled his pistol 
and shot him in the body. Powell, exclaiming, ‘‘ Oh. 
my God! Iam shot!’’ fell upon the railroad track. He 
was mortally wounded, but he lingered until the following 
Monday morning, when he died. 

After the shot was fired, the assassins, without waiting to 
find out what was the result, dispersed. The two Donahues, 
Mulhearn, and Pat McKenna ran to the bush. The murder 
was perpetrated about nine o’clock in the evening, and 
near the centre of the town. The sound of the pistol at- 
tracted attention, and before the fugitives could escape 
they met several men. When outside of the town and in 
the bush, they saw a man named Sweeny, under whose 
guidance they wended their way by unfrequented paths to 
Tamaqua. | 

When there, the party again visited Paddy Maley’s, to 
whom Donahue, proud of the work he had done, gave a 
detailed description of the transaction. 

A few days after the murder, Campbell, the two Dona- 
hues, Fisher, Mulhearn, and others, again met at Paddy 
Maley’s. Fisher ordered liquor to be sent to a room on 
the second floor, to which room the party assembled ad- 
journed. ‘There were nine or ten men present. Fisher 
had not raised the one hundred dollars promised ; he had 
not been able to do so, he said, but he had succeeded in 
getting thirty dollars, which he handed over to Yellow 
Jack. He suggested that the money should be divided 
with Mat Donahue and Mulhearn. This was agreed to; 
Mat Donahue received ten dollars, but Mulhearn was never 
paid. 

Yellow Jack Donahue is a much older man than either 
Thomas Munley or Thomas Hurley; ‘he had committed 
more crimes than either of them; and yet on this occasion 
he displayed the same arrogance and _ self-consequence 
that Munley afterwards did when Sanger was killed, and 


336 THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


that Hurley displayed after the murder of Gomer James. 
These parties not only claimed admiration and demanded 
authority by reason of their crimes, but their claims and 
demands were acceded to. The members of the organiza- 
tion, as McParlan has testified, liked a man who committed 
crimes and escaped punishment. 

Yellow Jack, on this occasion, was specially important and 
authoritative. He said that he had notified John Maloy, 
Johnny Maloy, and Pat O’ Donnell to go over with him on 
the 2d of December to Summit Hill; that they had not 
done so, and he intended to fine them five dollars apiece 
_ for not obeying orders. Paddy Maley excused them; the 
three had come to his house, he said, for the purpose of 
going over, not ten minutes after the party had left. 
‘* Very well,’’ said Yellow Jack: ‘‘they have just saved 
théir distance.’’* 

Campbell was envious of the glory with which Donahue 
had covered himself, and sought to undermine him. He 
criticised him severely to Mulhearn because he had not 
‘given him (Mulhearn) any money. He also blamed Fisher 
for not raising the one hundred dollars, and said that he 
could have been more successful in obtaining it. 

The murder of Morgan Powell is a crime of which Yel- 
low Jack Donahue has always been proud. ‘The point 
seems to be that almost superhuman courage is displayed 
if a single man with a pistol suddenly approaches an un- 
armed and unsuspecting man whom he shoots and mortally 
wounds. For such a: reason Tom Hurley claimed credit 
for his murder, and it was for this reason that Campbell 


- 


%* More admiration was accorded to a man who shot his victim than to 
one who accomplished his purpose without the use of fire-arms. This is, 
perhaps, owing to the fact that in Ireland but few fire-arms are owned by 
the peasantry, and they are unaccustomed to their use. In the early days 
of the ‘‘ Buckshots” and ‘‘ Molly Maguires,” a billy with iron or lead on 
the end was used. It was a formidable weapon, 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUE. 337 


insisted that Hugh McGeehan was the best man in Carbon 
County. Boyle was present, but McGeehan did the work. 
Yellow Jack was boastful for years afterwards of this crime. 
He told Slattery the story in detail; he told McParlan, 
and he told Kerrigan and others.* 

It will be observed that in the year 1871 (the same year 
the Ancient Order of Hibernians was incorporated by the 
Legislature of Pennsylvania) the criminal purposes of the 
organization were fully recognized by its members. The 
murder of Morgan Powell was perpetrated, without any effort 
at secrecy among the order, at an early hour in the night, 
and in the street of a town where persons were continually 
passing. 

According to the statement of Fisher, made to Donahue, 
at least one hundred men around Summit Hill knew and 
approved of the act. When'the price of blood was paid— 


* It is asserted that even ‘‘ Yellow Jack’’ at one period in his life had 
some conscience. Shortly after the commission of his first murder, his 
child, a little girl, died. Donahue told a friend that he was, after her 
death, in constant company with ghosts; that the murdered man would 
often appear to him, and that his little girl would come and stand before 
him at any hour of. the day or night, with a sad and sorrowful expression 
of countenance, and in a beseeching attitude. The child was one-half of 
inky blackness, and the other pure white. 

He confessed his sufferings to a priest. He was informed that the ap- 
paritions visited him as a punishment for his sins, and that by reason of 
his crimes his child was in suffering and in pain; that the black part seen 
in the child represented himself, whilst the white came from the mother ; 
that the only source of relief for himself and the child was in his true 
repentance of past sins and in his observance of good and righteous con- 
duct in the future. Nevertheless, he was still haunted; the murdered man 
still appeared, and the child, still black and white, besought him. He 
went from one priest to another, and all spoke to him of repentance and 
pure living. Finally he went to New York, where, Jack says, he met a 
priest who relieved him. Whilst he was suffering, Jack endeavored to 
amend his life, but the ghostly apparitions ceased, and never again visited 
him. He again commenced a career of crime, in which he has continued, 
so far as is known, without one pang of conscience. 

P 29 


338 THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


strange to say, the equivalent of thirty pieces of silver—the 
money was handed over in the presence of strangers, whose 
names were not known to the murderers, and whose persons 
are forgotten. Yellow Jack talked coolly of fining three 
men five dollars each for not obeying his summons to kill 
-a man whom they did not know and against whom they 
bore no malice. 

The murdered man was a boss in the employ of the Le- 
high Navigation and Coal Company, and as a consequence 
that company has taken an active part in bringing the 
criminals to justice. 

District Attorney Siewers appeared for the Common- 
wealth, and with him Messrs. Hughes and Albright. The 
gentlemen before named appointed by the court appeared 
for the defense. ‘The preparation made by the Common- 
wealth was perfect. Charles Mulhearn* testified to the full 
details of the murder, and strong corroborative testimony 
was given. Men around Sweeny’s tavern on the night of 


%* Mulhearn is no favorable specimen even of a ‘‘ Molly.”’ On the trial 


of this cause he was outspoken and frank as to his own crimes, as wellas . 
those of others, but admitted that he was so in the hope that he couldin 


that way somewhat lessen his own punishment. 





He told, among other things, of his having severely beaten a ‘‘ boss” at - 


Hazleton at the request of Charley Boyle, the body-master at that place. 
He said that he went up to the “‘boss’’ and asked for a job of work. The 
_‘‘boss”’ replied that they did not need any more workmen at that time: 
whereupon he (Mulhearn) knocked him down. When down, assisted by 
two men named Ben McMannin and Jimmy Malloy, he gave him a severe 
beating. They then told the ‘‘ boss’’ he might get up, and if he would be 
‘‘a good boy” they would let him alone in the future. 

When Mulhearn was testifying, the recollection of this scene and of the 


sufferings of their victim seemed to afford him intense satisfaction; the. 


villain chuckled and laughed as if he were relating a commendablevaction, 
of which he was proud and in which he had been the chief actor. 

In describing to each other any outrage or murder committed, the 
‘‘ Mollies’’ seem to revel in the recollection of the agony and sufferings of 
the victim. Several have asserted that the great pleasure of a murder con- 
sisted in hearing what they termed the “‘ squeal” of the dying man. 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUE. 339 


December 2, 1871; the men who met the murderers on their 
retreat to the bush, and men corroborating Mulhearn on 
other points, were called to the witness-stand and testified. 

Jimmy Kerrigan testified that he was one of Yellow 
Jack’s confidants in this matter. So also was John J. Slat- 
tery. Slattery’s testimony in this case has excited much 
attention. It was on this occasion that he stated that the 
Ancient Order of Hibernians was a criminal organization 
throughout the country, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 
and from the Gulf of Mexico to Maine. He claimed that 
his knowledge was derived from county delegates and other 
members of the order. He testified that Jack Kehoe, the 
County Delegate of Schuylkill County, had told him that 
the National Board in New York had contributed to send 
a murderer (Michael Doyle) out of the country. Patrick 
Butler had previously testified to the same effect in one of 
the conspiracy cases.* 

It was in this case that Slattery testified to the sale of 
the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ vote in Schuylkill and Luzerne Coun- 
ties, and also in Pittsburg, in the gubernatorial election of 
1875, and to its purchase by Republican politicians. He 
and John Kehoe had agreed in behalf of the ‘‘Mollies’’ of 
Schuylkill County, and he had also arranged for the pur- 
chase of the Luzerne County vote. He also testified to 
former corrupt political practices by the organization. 


* The detectives have now (December, 1876) obtained information, 
which they consider reliable, that the officers of the Ancient Order of Hi- 
bernians in New York assisted with money Friday O'Donnell and James 
McAllister in their escape from arrest as the murderers of Sanger and 
Uren. They were sent to England. 

An effort has been made by McAlilister’s friends to create the impression 
that he is dead; that he died somewhere in the Western States from the 
effect of the wound received in December, 1875, at Wiggan’s Patch. ‘From 
more reliable information now obtained, this is not credited. It would not 
be proper to state the source of the information at this time, and it is there- 
fore withheld. 


i 


340 THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


On the 24th of October, after argument of counsel and 
the charge of his Honor Judge Dreher, the jury rendered 
a verdict of ‘‘murder in the first degree’’ against John 
Donahue, a/as ‘‘ Yellow Jack.’’ 

During this term of court at Mauch Chunk there were 
several convictions for perjury committed during the trial 
of Alexander Campbell, and among others that of a man 
named McShea, who had testified that Kerrigan was in 
Luzerne County, attending a ‘‘ wake,’’ the night previous 
to the murder of John P. Jones. Strangely enough, the — 
principal witness against McShea was Jimmy Kerrigan 
himself. , 

Jimmy, emulous of McParlan, played the part of a detect- 
ive, and conversed with McShea through the pipes of the 
Mauch Chunk prison. Kerrigan gave McShea a false name 
and a false account of himself, and invited confidence. 
McShea told him the whole story as to how and why he 
was induced to testify. McShea soon discovered his mis- 
take, and abused Kerrigan for deceiving him. In this 
matter a singular coincidence occurred. On the 19th of 
October, 1875, McShea came to Mauch Chunk prepared to 
swear in behalf of Kerrigan. The story then prepared he 
did swear to on the trial of Alexander Campbell. Exactly 
one year afterwards, on the 19th of October, 1876, he was 
convicted of perjury, mainly on the evidence of Kerri- 
gan. ‘There was no semblance of ingratitude on Jimmy’s 
part in this. McShea was not an acquaintance, and did 
not come to testify out of any personal regard or care for 
him. He was merely obeying the commands of the order. . 
When he did testify, it was for the purpose of contra- 
dicting Kerrigan, who had made his confession months 
before. 

On the 8th of November, 1876, the notorious Patrick 


Hester and Michael Graham were brought to Pottsville — 


and committed to prison under the charge of having mur- 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUE. 341 


dered Alexander Rae, in Columbia County, on the 17th | 
of October, 1868. On the same day Patrick McHugh, 
- ex-County Delegate of Northumberland County, was also 
committed to answer the charge of having been an accom- 
plice in that murder. Another prisoner now in the Schuyl- 
kill County jail has confessed and has appeared on the 
witness-stand. A man named Tully, who it is charged 
fired the shot which caused Mr. Rae’s death, has also been 
arrested. Hester, along with Patrick Duffy and Thomas 
Donahue, was charged with this offense shortly after its 
commission. Duffy and Donahue were tried and acquitted. 
Hester, on motion of his counsel, was discharged. 

At a court held in Pottsville the second week of Novem- 
ber, 1876, Muff Lawler was again tried on the charge of 
being an accessory after the fact to the murder of Thomas 
Sanger. On the former trial the jury had failed to agree. 
In the trial now had the jury rendered their verdict of 
guilty. Lawler is shrewd and plausible. He made his 
statement on the witness-stand at both trials. He corrobo- 
rated McParlan in the statements made, but he so colored 
his testimony as to create the impression that, notwith- 
standing his guilt, he was more sinned against than sin- 
ning. Lawler is a man of intelligence, of good appear- 
ance, and can hardly be ranked among the worst men in 
the order. 

The following week the case of the Commonwealth zs. 
Charles McAllister, charged with assault and battery with 
intent to kill James Riles, was called by District Attorney 
Kaercher. The facts of this,case have been heretofore de- 
thiled. The prisoner was convicted. 

During the week McAllister was tried a jury was im- 
paneled in the case of the Commonwealth gs. Neil 
Dougherty, charged with the murder of F. W. Langdon. 
Dougherty was charged as one of the perpetrators of the 
murder, along with John Kehoe, John Chapman, John 

29* 


342 THE MURDER OF MORGAN POWELL. 


Campbell, Columbus McGee, and Michael McGee. Sep- 
arate trials had been demanded, and the District Attorney 
elected to try Dougherty. A noteworthy incident occurred 
when the prisoners first appeared in court: several of them 
refused to shake hands with or in any way recognize Jack 
Kehoe. How had the mighty fallen! ‘The main reason 
for demanding separate trials was the fear of his associa- 
tion. And yet Kehoe was the County Delegate of Schuyl- 
kill, who but one year before had claimed to hold in his 
hand the political destiny of the Commonwealth of Penn- 
sylvania, and whose claim was certainly more than a mere 
idle boast! His influence was bought with money and 
with honeyed words. Much less than one year before, he 
was a chieftain in his order, and now his fellows in crime 
turned from him with aversion, with disgust, and in fear. 
Truly the power of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ had passed 
away ! 

Dougherty was without counsel. The court appointed 
J. M. Healey, W. J. Whitehouse, and 5S. A. Garrett, Esqs. 
He was defended with ability. 

Dougherty’s connection with the murder of Langdon 
was shown. A description of the murder has been hereto- 
fore given, and need not be here repeated. On the 29th 
of November the jury found the prisoner ‘‘ guilty of murder 
in the second degree.’’ 

F. W. Langdon was murdered fourteen years ago; one 
of his murderers has now been convicted; others charged 
with the crime are awaiting trial. 

As this is being written,* the case of the Commonwealth 
vs. Thomas P. Fisher, the Cotnty Delegate of Carbon 
County, and Patrick McKenna, body-master of Storm 
Hill, charged with the murder of Morgan Powell, is on 
trial in Carbon County. 


* December Io, 1876, 


TRIAL OF YELLOW FACK DONAHUE. 343 


The murderers of Geo. K. Smith are known, and some 
of them will probably have to answer for that crime. ‘The 
secret of the Littlehales murder it is believed has been dis- 
covered, and it is hoped that the perpetrators of that foul 
deed will soon be called upon to answer. 

The story of many an outrage and murder is still ob- 
scure, but every day new and strange developments are 
made. It is not true ‘‘that time at last sets all things 
even.”’ The detection of crime and the punishment of 
criminals may insure peace and the supremacy of law 
throughout the anthracite coal-fields, but the punishment 
of criminals affords no compensation for the outrages per- 
petrated upon the innocent. It cannot bring to life the 
many good men murdered in cold blood, nor blot out the 
tears or assuage the sufferings of the sorrowing wives and 
children. Justice demands that the poor wretches con- 
victed of crimes shall be punished; but their punishment 
will not purify the blackened souls or restore the wrecked 
lives of those who have been under ‘‘ Molly’’ control and 
influenced by ‘‘ Molly’’ precepts. The punishment of the 
criminal cannot blot out the record of the past, nor can it 
destroy the memory of the terrorism, the lawlessness, and 
the wide-spread corruption of many years. Nor does pun- 
ishment answer any purpose of revenge. There is among 
the masses of the people no craving for blood; sorrow is 
felt for the criminals, and deep pity for their unfortunate 
families. 

Punishment is demanded, not in compensation for past 
sufferings nor in a spirit of anger, but in the hope that in 
the future the existence of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ will have 
become an impossibility, and the past be recalled only as a 
painful memory. 

But the lesson must be taught that the lapse of years 
will not save the murderer from punishment; that the 
criminal may become proud, arrogant, defiant, and ap- 


344 TRIALS CONTRASTED. 


parently secure, but the day of reckoning must come at 


last : 
‘“*Though the mills of God grind slowly, 


Yet they grind exceeding small ; 
Though with patience he stands waiting, 
With exactness grinds he all.”’ 


CTCANP GD ER ok Lies 


TRIALS CONTRASTED—THE CATHOLIC CHURCH—HAS THE END 
COME? 


THE trial and conviction of Yellow Jack Donahue would 
seem to form a fitting conclusion to a history of the ‘* Molly 
Maguire’ of the anthracite coal-fields of Pennsylvania. 
The ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ society is shattered, disorganized, 
and, it is hoped, forever broken. 

Yellow Jack was not only an old member of the order, 
but he had for years been a leader. He would approve of 
a crime as quickly as Jack Kehoe, and would, like him, in- 
_ sist upon its perpetration. But Kehoe, as a rule, was satis- 
fied with suggesting and otherwise furthering crime. He . 
was too cowardly for its actual perpetration. Yellow Jack 
was one of the very few old men who both advised and 
executed. His acquittal was of the greatest importance 
to McKenna, Fisher, and McHugh, also charged with the 
murder for which he was on trial. He is believed to have 
been the principal actor in at least four murders, and his 
connection with conspiracies to murder is in some cases 
proven, and in others suspected. And yet Yellow Jack, 
the instigator, the abettor, the leader in crime, was on 
trial for his life, and his friends and former associates 
were powerless to assist. 

How different the scene but a few short months before 


TRIALS CONTRASTED. 345 


in the same court-room, when Michael J. Doyle was on 
trial for the murder of John P. Jones! Doyle was a young 
man, comparatively unknown; a mere follower, not a 
leader in the order; but danger existed that as against 
him the law would be enforced. ‘Throughout the anthracite 
coal-fields the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ was aroused, assistance 
was given, and sympathy expressed. Nearly thirty wit- 
nesses were ready, still more were willing, to perjure 
themselves in his behalf. The ‘‘ Molly’’ of Luzerne, of 
Northumberland, of Schuylkill, and of Carbon Counties 
crowded the court-room and the streets of Mauch Chunk. 
In the court their presence was recognized and their inter- 
ference guarded against. They were boastful, arrogant, 
and defiant. Eminent counsel appeared for the defense ; 
danger to the order was not feared, but an attack upon 
one of its members was resented in wrath, and threats of 
summary vengeance were rife among them. 

When Yellow Jack was tried, he was ably defended, 
but by counsel appointed by the court; his fellows were 
scattered, disorganized, or within prison-walls.* 

There has been no intention to give in this history a 
description of all the outrages and murders committed by 
this terrible organization. To have attempted it would 
have answered no good purpose; their general character 
has been the same, and a mere summary of the crimes 
would fill volumes. The object in view has been to show 
the nature of the organization and its mode of perpetrating 
crimes, to give some idea of its extent, and to explain the 
possibility of its existence. Its general characteristics, it 


* During the trial, Yellow Jack, who has some education, was reading 
a newspaper. He asked permission of the owner of the paper to take it 
with him to jail, saying, at the same time, that he had nothing to read. 
“ How is that?’’Snquired the gentleman: ‘‘ your friends will be allowed 
to furnish you with reading-matter."’ ‘‘ Friends!’’ replied Yellow Jack. | 
“Good God! I have not a friend on earth.”’ ) 
p* 


a 


346 Tie tA HOLIC CHORE 


is believed, are now understood, but new and sickening 
details are daily coming to light, and such developments 
will continue for years to come. 

Much has been proven, and much more has been learned, 
but from many a terrible and bloody deed of the past the 
veil will never be lifted. It was thought that McKenna, 
without relatives or friends, might be murdered, his body 
hidden, and no inquiries be made. McKenna escaped; but 
many a poor laborer and miner has been murdered, and 
the influence of the terrorism existing, and the disgrace 
attaching to an informer, have prevented inquiry or even 
publicity. If the true history of many a ‘‘ premature ex- 
plosion in the mines’’ were written, the hellish work of 
the ‘*‘ Molly’’ would be revealed. By the whole commu- 
nity the ‘* Molly Maguire’’ has been dreaded, and against 
the whole community has his hand been lifted. 

The detection, exposure, and disorganization of the 
order have been told. ‘The execution of the final sentence 
of the law is yet in the future, and the sentence of that 
law, in no spirit of revenge, but as a painful necessity, must 
be inflicted. Pity may and will be extended to the crimi- 
nals, but there must be no false mercy, no sham philan- 
thropy. The penalty to be inflicted is a fearful one, but 
how much more fearful the crimes committed ! how much 
more fearful the organization in which those crimes had 
birth! If firmness is maintained, the organization is broken 
forever ; if weakness or irresolution is shown in carrying 
out the full sentence, the order will again spring into exist- 
ence, a greater terror than ever before. 

The ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ is an Irishman, or the son of an 
Irishman, professing the Roman Catholic faith. That he 
is a blot and disgrace to the land of his fathers, as well as 

|to the land of his adoption, is felt more strongly by the 
great body of the Irish people than by any other class of 
the community. 


THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 347 


He must profess the Catholic faith, and yet, to bea 
member of the order, he must remain outside of the pale 
of the Church and be denied Christian burial. 

By those ignorant of the true facts of the case, the 
knowledge that a ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ must be an Irishman 
and a Catholic is used as an argument against the Church. 
But the charge rests upon no foundation whatever. It may 
be possible that more than one Catholic priest has sympa- 
thized with the order, but if so it has been in violation not 
only of his religion but also of his Church government. 
A priest, like any other mortal, may be tempted and fall. 
The ‘‘ Molly’’ has had money, influence, power, to disor- 
ganize the congregation and to inflict personal injury. In 
very many instances he is an open and avowed infidel, in- 
tensely wicked and beyond control. 

If through criminality, indolence, or fear a priest should 
yield, the man, and not the Church, must be denounced. 

The Catholic Church is no more responsible for the acts 
of arecreant priest than is the Christian religion for the 
bad practices of any of its ministers. Religion, it is true, 
is by many held responsible for the immoral and criminal 
acts of its representatives, but such responsibility is only 
thrust upon it by those who wish to excuse their own scoff- 
ing and unbelief. Nothing can be more illogical than to 
argue against religion itself that some of its.ministers are 
hypocrites. These are simply false teachers of a true doc- 
trine. 

In practice and in theory the Catholics have been and 
are in active opposition to the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’ and kin- 
dred organizations. 

When the ‘‘ Ribbon’’ society was in its full strength in 
Ireland, the Catholic priesthood was accused of being in 
sympathy with the order. The accusation was pressed 
with such a degree of force that the matter was deemed 
worthy of attention by Parliament, and an_ investiga- 


348 HE CATHOLIC CHURCH, 


tion was directed. The secrets of the Ribbonmen were 
laid bare; the detective had been among them, the in- 
former had betrayed; but the charge against the priesthood 
was found to be mere idle scandal, and report was made 
to Parliament completely exonerating them. It must be 
borne in mind that this report could only have resulted 
from a disposition to render strict justice, for it was against 
the prejudices and belief of a large body of the English 
people. 

That in this country Archbishop Wood has been earnest 
in his efforts to break up the ‘‘ Molly’’ organization is well 
known. He was aware of the progress of the detective as 
one by one the dark records of crime were exposed. 

On the 3d of October, 1874, at a time when the great 
body of the community were resting in fancied security, 
the Catholic clergy were outspoken in their denunciations 
of the order and active in their opposition. 

In the /reeman’s Journal of that date the following 
priests, viz.: Rev. D. J. McDermott, now of Pottsville, 
Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania; Rev. Michael Sherman, 
Ashland, Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania; Rev. H. F. 
O’ Reilly, Shenandoah, Schuylkill County, -Pennsylvania ; 
Rev. D. O’Conner, Mahanoy Plane, Schuylkill County, 
Pennsylvania; Rev. Jos. Bridgeman, Girardville, Schuyl- 
kill County, Pennsylvania; Rev. E. T. Field, Centralia, 
Columbia County, Pennsylvania; Rev. Joseph Koch, 
Shamokin, Northumberland County, Pennsylvania, pub- 
lished, signed, and indorsed the following propositions: 

1. ‘*Ribbonmen and kindred societies have been xomt- 
natim condemned by the Holy See.’’ 

2. ‘*A society in America organized on the same basis, 
holding the same principles, and animated by the same 
spirit, comes within the condemnation of its prototype in 
Ireland.’’ 


3. ‘*When the spirit and principles as manifested in acts 


THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 349 


are the same, it matters very little by what name the society 
is styled.’’ 

4. **The testimony of members, ex-members, public 
report, and our experience compel us to believe that the 
A. O. H. has all the vices of societies nominatim con- 
demned in Ireland.’’ | 

5. ‘** Experience has proved that no faith is to be placed 
in the most solemn promises or denials of the A. O. H.”’ 

6. ‘It is certain that a fear, terror of punishment, that 
may in secrecy be decreed in upper circles, compels mem- 
bers to execute commands given under the countersign, 
no matter how repugnant to the laws of God and man 
those commands may be.”’ 

7. **Men of notoriously infamous character (the consti- 
tution and by-laws to the contrary notwithstanding) have. 
not only been admitted to membership, but elected to- 
office, and actually control the society in many places.”’ 

8. ‘‘ Evidence sufficient to convince the most skeptical 
has come to light that works forbidden by the command- 
ment ‘thou shalt not kill’ are traceable to the A. O. H.”’ 

g. *‘ The spirit and acts of the A. O. H. are clearly 
condemned by the plainest teachings of the Decalogue.’’ 

to. ‘‘It is in vain to eliminate the objectionable features 
from the letter of the laws of such society while the same 
spirit, the same traditions remain, and the same men con- 
trol it.’’ 

Rev. D. J. McDermott, in a published letter, dated May 
II, 1876, gives it as his opinion that the Ancient Order of 
Hibernians is a ‘‘ diabolical secret society, and that it is 
everywhere ¢he same society in spirit and government.”’ 

The opinions expressed by the reverend gentlemen above 
named were generally held and expressed by the clergymen 
of .the Philadelphia Diocese. 

The Catholic denounces all secret societies outside of 
the pale of the Church, however innocent may be their 

30 


" 380 HAS THE END COME? 


avowed object. The Church has claimed for centuries a 
right to interfere in the temporal concerns of kingdoms 
and of men. It brooks no rival, it claims full allegiance. 

Whatever opposition there may be to the claims of the 
Church by those not its members, and however those claims 
may be denounced, it is beyond denial that its religion 
and morality are pure. ‘To sympathize with the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’’ would be contrary to the religion, the spirit, the 
government, and the traditions of the Church. A charge 
against the Catholics of sympathy with the ‘* Molly Ma- 
guire’’ is not founded in the facts of the case, is against the 
theory of their Church government, and therefore either 
has its origin in misrepresentation or is made through 
ignorance and prejudice. 

Is ** Molly Maguire’ outrage at an end? The question 
~ is asked in fear and answered in doubt. 

The organization is broken, but in the throes of its dis- 
solution spasmodic but fearful crimes may be perpetrated. 

Writs of error have been, or probably will be, taken in 
all the cases where there have been convictions of murder 
in the first degree. 

In Schuylkill County, sentence of death has been passed 
upon Thomas Munley for the murder of Thomas Sanger, 
and upon James Carroll, James Roarity, Hugh McGeehan, 
James Boyle, and Thomas Duffy for the murder of B. F. 
Yost. In Carbon County, Michael J. Doyle, Edward Kelly, 
and Alexander Campbell have been convicted of the murder 
of John P. Jones, and John Donahue of the murder of 
Morgan Powell.* There will probably be other convictions 


* December 16, 1876, ‘Thomas P. Fisher, County Delegate of Carbon 
County, was convicted of ‘‘ murder in the first degree.’ He was charged 
with the murder of Morgan Powell. On the same day Patrick McKenna, 
charged with the same offense, was convicted of “murder in the second 
degree.’’ The proof of McKenna’s guilt was probably as strong as that 
of Fisher’s, but it appeared in evidence that Fisher was the worse man of 


HAS THE END COME? 351 


and sentences of the same nature within the next few 
months in Schuylkill, Carbon, and Columbia Counties. 
The execution of so great a number of criminals must of 
necessity create great excitement among the members of 
the organization. ‘The stern reality must be considered 
fairly and openly. 

Not one of these men, nor any of his friends, believe that 
the final sentence of the law will ever be executed. There 
is not much hope felt by them of any action of the Supreme 
Court in their favor. It is possible there may have been 
error in some of the rulings of the courts below; that is 
the province of the Supreme Court to determine ; but there 
is no presumption that there has been: the presumption is 
to the contrary. 

It is well known that the several judges in Carbon and 
Schuylkill Counties, whilst they did not shrink from any 
just responsibility, and whilst they would not permit the 
ends of justice to be defeated through captious objec- 
tions to evidence, have, in a spirit becoming to the high 
offices they fill, ruled the several questions presented un- 
influenced by public feeling, and in a spirit of especial 
care that no just rights of the prisoners should be with- 
held. They have very properly tempered justice with 
mercy, and in doubtful questions have ruled in favor of the 
prisoners. 

The great hope of the convicted men and their friends 
is that they may escape by reason of the large number of 
convictions. ‘*They might hang one or two,’’ Edward 
Kelly was heard to say to a fellow-prisoner through the 
pipes of Mauch Chunk prison, ‘‘ but they dare not hang so 
many: if they let any one go free, then they must let all 
free. It would not be fair to hang one and not the rest.’’ 


the two. It is possible that the jury intended to express that opinion by 
the verdict. 


di 


352 HAS THE END COME? 


When the full truth is known and appreciated, that the 
final sentence of the law must be executed,—that, whilst 
pity may be felt for the criminals, upon that point there 
dare be no hesitation, no doubt, no question,—a wild and 
bitter feeling of despair will fill the breasts of the prisoners, 
their families, and their former associates. 

What may be the result no onecan say. ‘True, the leaders 
of the order, or most of them, are in prison or scattered, 
but the women are still free and without fear. 

A good woman is better than a man could hope to be ; 
but a bad woman can reach a depth of pee: of whicha 
man could scarcely dream. 

Under ‘‘ Molly’’ influence there are women fully as 
wicked as the men, and these women may urge the com- 
mission of acts from which men might shrink. 

The situation is not without danger, very great danger, 
and it is but right that such danger should be appreciated, 
and, if possible, guarded against. 

On the other hand, it is. beginning to be feared in the 
order that there is such a feeling existing in the community 
that upon the perpetration of any great outrage vengeance 
will be quick, sure, deadly, tenfold. Many who belong to 
the order are known, and would be held responsible for out- 
rage. Another element of safety les in their fear of the de- 
tective and of the informer. They know not the McParlan 
among them now, and they regard one another with sus- 
picion and distrust.. They know that, although McParlan 
is not among them, their secrets are still laid bare, and 
they know, further, that ‘‘ Kerrigan’’ it is who has to bear 
the brunt of the scorn and contumely of being an ‘‘in- 
former,’’ while the many who have exposed their secrets 
since have hardly excited passing attention. 

Outrage in the future, if it occurs, will therefore proceed 
from spasmodic individual efforts, on the part of persons 
' blind to consequences. a 


HAS THE END COME? 353 


The ‘‘ Molly’’ organization is broken, but that crime 
resulting from that organization should end can scarcely 
be hoped. It was a school for criminals, and many of its 
pupils are still at large. That school is now closed, it is 
hoped, forever. To be a ‘‘ good hand at a clean job’’ will 
be no longer an object of youthful ambition. 

It is to be hoped that the execution of the unhappy men 
who are now under sentence, and of those who may here- 
after be sentenced for the crimes of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire,”’’ 
will firmly establish law and order throughout the coal 
regions. 

In 1852, Hodgens and Breen were condemned and exe- 
cuted in Monaghan, Ireland, for a conspiracy to murder 
Patrick McArdle. That in Ireland that offense was pun- 
ishable by death could hardly be realized, and that they 
would be executed was not believed up to the last moment. 
On the day appointed for the execution, delegations from 
different lodges of Ribbonmen came into Monaghan in 
order to learn whether such a thing was possible. Exactly 
at the hour fixed the prisoners were executed. There was 
deep feeling, but no open manifestation ; that was guarded 
against, and the Ribbonmen knew that precautions had 
been taken. 

The execution of Hodgens and Breen was the death- 
blow to the ‘‘ Ribbon’’ society in that part of Ireland. 
Many years passed by, and no outrage occurred. It is 
trusted that a like result will follow punishment of crime 
here. Neither Carroll, Roarity, Duffy, nor Campbell was 
engaged in the actual commission of the murders. Their 
fate may prove a warning to other old and cautious fiends 
in the order who suggest crime. If it has that effect, boys 
will not be encouraged to perpetrate it. 

It is true that in Ireland many active members of the 
‘¢ Ribbon’’ society, frightened, at once fled to America, 
and others received such warning as induced them quickly | 

30% 


354 HAS THE END COME? 


to follow. It is very possible that among the ‘* Molly 
Maguires’’ of the anthracite coal-fields are many who in 
former years terrorized Ireland. 

The same class of men are now in danger here. Some 
have gone to Ireland, but most of them have scattered 
throughout the United States, It is possible that, dispersed 
and away from the influences by which they have been sur- 
rounded, their mission for evil may have ended. 

It must always be borne in mind, in considering these 
men, that, whilst they are criminals, they are not the or- 
dinary criminals against whom all nations, all localities, and 
every age have had to guard. They are a class of criminals 
whose origin is traced to another land, and who are im- 
bued with ideas and prejudices for which there is no shadow 
of foundation in this country. Their existence in this 
country has been shown to arise from certain peculiarities 
of their residence in the coal regions. 

Their motive for crime not being the same as that of the 
ordinary criminal, they may learn amidst other associations 
_to throw aside Old World ideas and prejudices. This isa 
result at least to be hoped for. 

In this country such an organization was not deemed 
possible, and, unsuspected and unwatched, the ‘‘ Molly 
Maguire’’ reached a power and influence in the anthracite 
coal-fields of Pennsylvania he never obtained in Ireland. 

The end has come at last. The organization, its char- 
acter, and its purposes are understood. Its members are 
known, and will hereafter be held responsible for ‘* Molly’’ 
outrage. If it occurs in the future there will be no, im- 
munity from punishment. The American people must 
work out their own destiny; they have a broad land, a 
varied climate, a productive soil, and rich minerals. Nature 
has been kind ; she offers an inducement to enterprise and 
industry on an extended scale. The laws give to the 
foreigner, in common with the native-born, equal protec- 


CONCLUSION. 355 


tion, equal rights, common hopes; no more is accorded to 
any one, so much is accorded to all. 

If present and past members of the ‘‘ Molly’’ organiza- 
tion, who have not been guilty of criminal acts, or who 
may escape punishment, should banish Old World ideas 
and rid themselves of Old World prejudices, and become © 
in honesty and good faith American citizens, interested in 
the present and future of their adopted country, in their 
own well-being, they may learn to bless the day that 
brought ‘‘ McParlan the detective’’ among them. 


GHAR YT h Ra xX xx ‘1 TT: 
CONCLUSION. 


THE reign of the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ is over. His record 
has been made and his acts have passed into history. His 
was areign of blood. In the days of his pride and power 
no monarch was more potent, no Eastern despot more 
cruel-and merciless. He held communities terror-bound, 
and in wanton malice he defied law, destroyed property, 
and sported with human life. 

But retribution, long deferred, has come at last. Arrests 
have been made, and before the bar of outraged justice 
the accused have been called upon to answer charges of 
fearful crime. ‘The protection of the law which they de- 
spised and trampled upon has been accorded them. They 
have had the benefit of able counsel, and it was only after 
fair and impartial trial that the verdict of ‘‘guilty’’ has 
been rendered. ‘The dread sentence that the extreme pen- 
alty of the law shall be inflicted has been Paseo se but 
the punishment is yet to come. 


356 CONCLUSION. 


,? 


Again has the ‘‘ Molly’’ appealed to those laws which in 
the days of his power he scorned, and from the court of 
last resort on earth to him he seeks succor and aid. It is 
in the province of that court to determine whether in the 
trial of these cases in the courts below there has been error 
by which the prisoners have been affected. The decision 
of the judges of that court should, and no doubt will, be 
uninfluenced by public feeling, by prejudice, or by any con- 
sideration of the fearful character of the crimes of which 
the prisoners are guilty. Law is founded upon principle, 
and in accordance with principles that have received the 
sanction of ages will these cases be determined. Judgment 
will be rendered in accordance with the law applicable to 
the records presented. A belief in the actual guilt or in- 
nocence of the prisoners cannot affect the decision of legal 
questions. A judge who would seek so to construe the 
law as to make it conform to the facts of a special case, 
instead of deciding upon principle, may in such case render 
a righteous judgment; but as the ‘‘ Molly Maguire’’ de- 
stroys the life of his victim, so will such judge destroy the 
life of the law. ‘To construe the law to suit cases, instead 
of deciding cases in accordance with law, occasions dis- 
trust, destroys confidence, and introduces confusion into 
all business and social relations. 

There can be no doubt that in these cases just decisions 
will be rendered. But, whatever the judgment of the court 
may be, the utmost that the prisoners could gain would be 
delay,—some few months’ longer lease of life: the end 
would come at last. Evidences of guilt are accumulating, 
and testimony hitherto unavailable is being obtained. 

The verdicts of the juries have received general approval. 
The penalty for crime isdue. The shades of the multitude 
of murdered men who have fallen innocent victims to 
‘‘Molly’’ outrage rise, and with warning gestures and 
ghostly fingers point to their mourning and -bereaved fami- 


CONCLUSION. 357 


lies. ‘The memories of the past, the hopes of the future, 
forbid any thoughts of relenting. 

That so many should suffer the extreme penalty of the 
law excites a feeling of repulsion and horror. It is upon 
an understanding of this feeling that the ‘‘ Mollies’’ found 
their opinion that the authorities ‘‘dare’’not hang so many. 
In their own case they err; as to them there ‘‘dare’’ be no 
thought of mercy. 

Justice demands that for their own foul deeds the con- 
demned shall suffer punishment. By the community their 
punishment is required, not only in expiation of their own 
crimes, but also by reason of the crimes of the order in 
years gone by. In the future, for a single ‘* Molly’’ out- 
rage the whole order will be held responsible. 

As against the condemned as individuals, vindictive, 
revengeful feeling has passed away. But none the less 
must the stern reality be appreciated. The penalty of 
death for murder will be inflicted. 

From the judgment of man there can be no appeal on 
earth. Earthly hope must pass away. But in appeal to 
Him whose ‘‘ mercy is everlasting and endureth forever,”’ 
there is a hope beyond the grave. If such appeal is made 
in true repentance, and with humble and contrite heart, 
“though sins be as red as scarlet; they shall be made white 
as snow; though their wickedness shall have gone over 
their heads, yet shall they not be their destruction.’” The 
thief in his last dying agonies on the cross asked for par- 
don, and it was granted ; and to the soul parting from its 
earthly tenement the promise yet remains, ‘‘ Ask, and it 
shall be given you; seek, and ye shall find; knock, and 
it shall be opened unto you.”’ 






















$i 


ests aime 
r ¢ 





ale EO NDEX. 


Biol OF OUTRAGES 


IN 


SCHUYLKILL AND SHAMOKIN REGIONS. 


PUBLISHED IN CONNECTION WITH THE SPEECH OF F. 
B. GOWEN, ESQ., BEFORE THE LEGISLATIVE COMMIT- 
TEE, JULY 29 AND 30, 1875. 


Ley <-. 


December 13.—John Taylor, inside foreman at Richardson colliery, 
received athreatening notice toleave. See notice marked “A.” George 
Rose, watchman at Indian Ridge, warned by two strangers not to go 
down the shaft of the colliery to grease the pumps, as in their opinion 
it was not his duty, but that of the fireman. 

December 28.—Communication marked “I” was received by Mr. J. 
H. Olhausen, superintendent Mahanoy and Shamokin branch. 


avn gee 


January.—Three tunnel contractors at Preston No. 2 colliery, John 
Finigan, Samuel Davies, William Williams, were notified to cease 
driving a tunnel, or submit to a fine of fifty dollars each, imposed 
by the Miners’ and Laborers’ Benevolent Association. 

February 14.—About four o’clock in the morning, the shaft-frame 
at the West Norwegian shaft was destroyed by fire, the work of an in- 
cendiary. 

February 24.—A mysterious fire occurred at the East shaft about nine 
o’clock at night, originating in the fan-house, where there was kept a 


359 


360 APPENDIX. 


limited quantity of giant powder; there being no fire near at hand at 
the time, no cause can be given for the fire other than that of incen- 
diarism. 

February 26.—Burning of giant powder at the Norwegian shaft; sup- 
posed to have been the work of an incendiary. 

February 28.—House burned down by parties unknown, at Richard- 
son colliery. 

March 19.—J. Showerley, watchman at Ellsworth colliery, beaten 
and his revolver taken from him. 

March 19.—Communication marked “ III.”’ was received by Mr. 
Olhausen. 

March 20.—Watchman at Mine Hill Gap colliery beaten and tied 
with a rope; watch stolen. 

March 25.—Train-employees of the Philadelphia and Reading Rail- 
road Company quartered at Ashland were molested by parties of men. 
These persons endeavored by threats and persuasion to intimidate the 
men and induce them to leave the service of the company. 

March Nearer at Locust Summit ears by an in- 
cendiary. 

March 25.—Thirty-two cars loaded with coal pa on track at 
Locust Gap, and six at Excelsior. 

March 25.—A train of one hundred loaded cars were started down 
the grade and run off the track on Excelsior branch. Eight of the 
cars were badly broken in consequence. Damage, three hundred dol- 
lars. A few men at Palo Alto renounce the M. & W. B. A. 

March 26.—Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Company engine 
No. 288 ran off the track at Mine Hill crossing. 

March 26.—Unknown parties dumped twenty-nine loaded coal-cars 
on siding at Locust Gap Junction. 

March 26.—Six loaded coal-cars dumped by unknown parties at En- 
terprise siding. 

March 27.—Train-hands on Philadelphia and Reading Railroad 
Company’s train stoned at Locust Gap. A number of men sent from 
Reading were met on their arrival at Gordon by a party of persons and 
persuaded not to go to work. 

March 28.—Warehouse Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Com- 
pany at Mount Carmel broken open, and three barrels flour, six hun- 
dred pounds fish, and one barrel butter stolen. Tool-house broken 
open and tools stolen. . 

March 29.—A large number of persons congregated at and near 
Locust Gap and stoned the crews of passing coal-trains. 


APPENDIX. 361 


March 30.—Switch turned wrong and spiked at Shenandoah Junc- 
tion; mixed train engine off the track in consequence. 

March 30.—Tool-house No. 5 broken open and tools stolen. Notice 
left there addressed to Daniel Yost, boss of section. New men were 
threatened, and left, saying they were afraid to work. 

March 31.—House-car burned and totally destroyed on siding at Ex- 
celsior. Loss, six hundred dollars, 

March 31.—A party of men boarded a coal-train between Locust 
Gap and Alaska stations, drove off the engineer and crew, damaged 
the engine, and blocked the road with stones. 

March 31.—Parade of miners and railroad-men at Gordon. A large 
number of miners from Heckscherville on way to Gordon to partici- 
pate took possession of coal-trains, and on arrival at head of plane 
compelled the plane-hands to run them down to Gordon. The men 
employed at the planes were also notified to quit work or abide the 
consequences. The strikers stated that after the parade they would go 
through the shops and compel all the men to quit work ; which no doubt 
would have been carried into effect had it not been for an accident 
which occurred, resulting from the premature discharge of a cannon 
which the strikers were using to fire a salute, and by which three men 
were injured, one of them fatally. Track barricaded near Locust Gap 
with stones and railroad-sills, train-men stoned and shot at by parties 
with muskets and other fire-arms. The mob took possession of engine 
No, 260, a revolver pointed at the head of the engineer, Hiram Trout, 
and told to clear out or they would blow his brains out. Engine No. 
260 was left in the hands of the mob; three engines following, having 
been warned of the trouble ahead, returned with their trains to Alaska, — 
They were, however, together with train No. 260, subsequently brought +: 
safely to Gordon. Damage sustained by engine No. 260 at the hands 
of the mob was seventy-five dollars. A large and excited mob awaited 
the arrival of the train-men at their boarding-house in Ashland, and 


. this, together with the previous occurrences of the day, rendered it 


necessary to withdraw the men from the region until other arrangements 
could be made. 

March —.—Indian Ridge and Plank Ridge collieries. Threats 
made by strange men at two different times to burn breakers of the 
company if work was not soon started. Governor Hartranft con- 
sulted. i 

April 1.—No movement of coal trade to-day. Company’s property 
guarded by police force. Sheriff Werner, of Schuylkill County, applied 
to for protection. 


Q 31 


362 - APPENDIX. 


April 1.—Threatening notices posted at Colket & Newkirk col- 
lieries. See notice marked “ B.”’ 

April 1.—Repairs-men Thomas Catalow, Henry Fulke, and Philip 
Blake, on Preston branch, Mahanoy and Shamokin Railroad, threat- 
ened with violence if they did not quit work. 

April 2.—Switch-lock broken and switch misplaced near Mahanoy 
City, throwing freight-train off track and engine and portion of train 
down the bank. 

April 2,—Engine No. 237, on freight-train No. 11, was run over 
an embankment at Elmwood colliery, a switch having been misplaced 
by some unknown person. Damage, one hundred and ten dollars. 
Sheriff Werner distributed his proclamation through the riotous region. 
Governor Hartranft also issued his proclamation. 

April 2,—A large party of men and boys boarded a freight-train at 
Mahanoy City in defiance of the crew. They were ai off by aid 
of Sheriff Weaver and police force. 

April 2.—An attempt made to burn the office of the Philadelphia 
and Reading Railroad Company at Tuscarora. 

April 2.—John Stephens, a brakeman, living at Mahanoy Plane, shot 
at and stoned for refusing to unite with the strikers. The sheriff of 
Northumberland promised to be at Locust Gap next morning. No 
movement of the coal trade. 

April 3.—Twelve empty coal-cars run off the track by unknown per- 
sons at Hillside colliery. Damage, twenty-five dollars. 

April 3.—Two freight-cars run off the track at Ellangowan colliery , 
by unknown party. Damage, two thousand and eighteen dollars. 

April 6.—Tool-house at Locust Gap thrown into the creek. 

April 7.—A piece of iron was found wedged in a frog on the main 
track east of Mahanoy Plane. It was discovered in time to prevent 
damage. 

April 7.—A loaded car at Burnside colliery siding was started down 
the grade by parties unknown. 

April 7.—A pistol notice was fastened to blacksmith-shop “a Newkirk 
colliery. See notice *C.” 

April 8.—Attempt made to run loaded cars down the grade at Burn- 
side colliery. 

April 12.—A car started on Heckscher branch, near Shenandoah, 
ruhihing down main line of Shenandoah branch about the time the 
passenger-train from Mahanoy Plane to Shenandoah was due. 

April 12.—Switch and two caution-boards torn out at Wadesville, 
Mount Carbon Railroad. 


APPENDIX. 363 

April 12.—A half-drift wagon-wheel placed between two sills on 
the track at Horseshoe curve, Mine Hill Railroad. 

April 15.—Switch-lock broken at Glendower, Mine Hill Railroad. 

April 17.—Block of houses at Bast colliery burned by parties un- 
known. 

April 18.—Two mules stolen from stable of the West Shenandoah 
colliery found the next day near Conner’s mines. 

April 21.—Men about starting to work in Greenback colliery de- 
terred by threats and abusive language. 

April 19.—Tool-house No. 6, above Landingville, was broken into, 
tools taken out and thrown down the bank, and the hand-truck at tool- 
house was disposed of in the same way. William Timmins, Benjamin 
Gough, Joseph Gough, West Shenandoah colliery, were intimidated 
and stopped from working by a party of men, and again on May 13 
were told by them that they would be reported to the M. & L. B. A. 
and be fined fifty dollars. 

April 22.—Hose of water columns at Mahanoy Plane, Gordon, and 
Excelsior cut. : 

April 22.—Two gondola-cars, loaded with ties at Excelsior, set on 
fire. 

April 22.—Switch at Enterprise Junction set wrong and rails blocked; 
obstruction removed before damage resulted. 

April 22.—Special policeman Doolan, while in discharge of duty 
on train, attacked by five men, thrown from the train, and severely 
beaten. 

April 23.—Two railroad employees, Frank Backman and Owen 
Lawrence, having resigned their connection with their Union and agreed 
to go to work, their houses were visited by strikers, shots fired, and 
threatening language used to stop them from working. 

April 28.—House of Christian Calleary, miner, at Bast colliery, 
stoned, windows broken, and damage done to furniture. 

April 29.—Freight depot at Mount Carmel broken into, and pro 
visions stolen. 

April 29.—Three pistol notices posted at North Franklin collieries, 
where men were working at reduced wages. See “DD,” “ E,” “G.” 

At different times during April, the following men, working at the 
North Franklin collieries, were subjected to abuse, and their houses 
stoned and furniture damaged by strikers: Peter Hoffman, abusive 
language used and windows of house broken; Henry Lagerman, Sr., 
windows broken; Henry Lagerman, Jr., abused; Peter Strasser, win- 
dows broken; David Strasser, windows broken; Henry Rhoads, 


364 APPENDIX. 


abused for working; Eliza D. Jones saw and heard parties planning 
to burn the breaker. 

May 1.—Freight-car at Locust Gap broken open, and flour and feed 
stolen to the amount of thirty-five dollars. 

May 2.—The houses of men at Gordon, who had left the Miners’ 
and Workingmen’s Benevolent Association and gone to work, were 
visited at night by parties, threats made, and shots fired. 

May 3.—Freight-cars started from siding at Mahanoy City by some 
persons unknown, and run off the track at main road switch. 

May 3.—Obstructions placed on track below Girardville. 

May 3.—Engine “Gem” was stoned while passing through Girard- 
ville at about nine P.M. 

_ May 4.—Ben Franklin colliery burned; the work of an incendiary. 

May 4.—A watchman and two other men at Helfenstein colliery 
driven off by an armed party. 

May 4.—Watchman at Locust Gap beaten and watch stolen; watch 
returned. . 

May 5.—Oil-house at Locust Summit, used as a temporary telegraph- 
office, burned. 

May 5.—Stable at Locust Spring .colliery robbed of thirty bushels 
of corn and oats. 

May 5.—Heavy wire rope at Gordon Plane No. 1 cut. Loss about 
five hundred dollars. Telegraph-office at Locust Summit again de- 
stroyed by fire. Loss, two hundred and fifty dollars. 

May 6.—Attempt made to destroy the trestles at Locust Gap by 
boring holes in the timbers and charging them with dualin. George 
Keich and Wenscle, working at Newkirk colliery, were told that it 
was a pity they were not both killed, and if they were not careful they 
would be attacked on their way home. 

May 7.—At Excelsior Summit, Locust Gap, and Garretson’s, the 
hose was cut from the water columns and tanks by unknown per- 
ions. 

May 9.—Breaker of Enterprise colliery destroyed by fire; supposed 
to be the work of an incendiary. 

May 10.—A mob of about two hundred and fifty armed men stopped 
the men who were about starting to work at Hickory Ridge col- 
liery, maltreating the mine boss. Some party drove off the workmen 
at the Lancaster colliery. An incendiary notice served on a man at a 
Mount Carmel colliery. (See notice marked “ F.’’) Charles Shaffstal, 
West Brookside colliery, threatened and abused with bad language at 
Tower City for working. 


APENDIX. 365 


May 11.—Assistant foreman Henry Lloyd, at Beechwood colliery, 
badly beaten by strange men. 

May 13.—Stones, logs, etc., placed on track between Mahanoy City 
and St. Nicholas. ; 

May 14.—Michael Laffy, a workman at Beechwood colliery, fired 
at on his return home from work. 

May 18.—John Veith, district superintendent at Locust Gap, housé 
stoned and window broken. 

May 19.—Signal tower at Mahanoy Plane, east of Bear Ridge col- 
liery No. 2, burned at four o’clock A.M. 

May 19.—Ticket- and telegraph-office at Excelsior station burned 
at about two A.M. 

No date.—George Woart worked at East Franklin colliery, but was 
so abused by being called blackleg and other names that he was 
obliged to stop work and move his family to Tremont, 

May 20.—A party of about twenty strikers attacked men working at 
Newkirk colliery. Two of the workmen wounded. 

May 25.—Carpenter-shop at Palo Alto broken into, and a lot of tools 
to the value of thirty-five dollars stolen. Railroad iron and sills were 
placed upon the track at two points between Excelsior and Shamokin, 
by some unknown person, supposed with the intention of throwing 
passenger-train from the track. The obstructions were removed by the 
engine attached to passenger-train without damage. 

June 2.—Obstructions were placed upon track on Shenandoah 
branch by some persons unknown, with the intention of throwing pas- 
senger-train from the track. The obstructions were discovered and 
removed before arrival of the train. 

June 3.—Engine “Gem,” conveying Mr. J. H. Olhausen, superin- 
tendent, was fired at when near Mahanoy City by some persons un- 
known. No injury sustained. 

June 3.—In the morning about seven o’clock, a large body of men, 
estimated to be from five hundred to one thousand in number, from Hazle- 
ton and vicinity, made their appearance in the neighborhood of Maha- 
noy City and stopped the men working the North Mahanoy, Primrose, 
Jones, Ward & Oliver’s, Beaver Run, and Hartford collieries. About 
twelve o’clock a mob of men from Shenandoah and other localities in 
this region, numbering about twelve hundred, marched through Maha- 
noy City. ‘Their first act was to demand the release from the lock-up 
of a man who had been arrested in the morning by the chief burgess ; 
this they effected by paying the fine. At two o’clock several hundred 
of the mob gathered at the colliery worked by King, Tyler & Co.,and 

31* 


366 APPENDIX. 


compelled their men to quit work. Sheriff Werner ordered the rioters 
to disperse, and was reading the riot act, when he and his posse were 
fired upon by the rioters. Two policemen of the Mahanoy City force 
were slightly wounded. After this attack, the mob marched to St. 
Nicholas colliery and dispersed. Governor Hartranft, having been 
called upon, ordered companies of troops to Mahanoy City and Shen- 
andoah to protect lives and property. On the morning of same day 
(June 3) a large body of men gathered about the West Shenandoah 
colliery, threatening to stop the men working there, but were prevented 
from making an attack by the force of armed police under Joseph 
Heisler. An attempt was made to throw the night passenger-train to 
Shenandoah from the track, by obstructing the road with stones, but 
the attempt was discovered in time to prevent an accident. A party 
of about thirty men, towards evening, while still daylight, went to the 
colliery worked by William Schwenk, near Mount Carmel, and de- 
liberately fired the breaker, standing around until it was consumed. 
The colliery had worked since June I’at reduced wages. 

June 4.—Just before daylight, a body of men fired upon the police 
guarding the Centennial colliery, near Shenandoah, but, their fire being 
returned with effect, they dispersed without further attempt. <A party 
of men left St. Clair in the morning, going in the direction of New 
Castle, stopped the men working for Joseph Denning screening coal- 
banks, also the men working at Ellsworth colliery. In the afternoon a 
party visited Mine Hill Gap and Beechwood collieries, but did nothing 
aggressive. 

June 8.—Some of the men going to work at the Locust Run col- 
_liery were driven back by a mob. The same day the party molested 
the platform-men at Locust Run colliery and drove two men home. 

June 9.—One of the workmen at Eagle Hill colliery attacked by 
two discharged men. 

June 12.—At about half-past three o’clock p.M., Robert Gilgore and 
James O’Leary, contractors at the Oakdale colliery, left the mines to 
return to Forestville, their residence. As they were crossing the moun- 
tain lying between Oakdale and Forestville, they were fired upon from 
the bushes by three men armed with shot-guns. O’Leary was shot in 
the arm in three places; Gilgore received a great number of shot in 
his arms, hands, and lower limbs. The persons who made the attack 
were unknown to Gilgore and O’Leary. 

June 28.—About five o’clock in the morning, atin Thomas was 
attacked in the stable of the Shoemaker colliery, near Mahanoy City, by 
seven strange men, firing at him several times, striking him in three 


APPENDIX. 367 


places,—in the neck, leg, and about the front of the body. During the 
firing a horse was killed, and a mule was shot in the leg. Thomas’s 
injuries were not dangerous. John Blair, engineer, and Thomas Chap- 
man, stable boss, were in the stable at the time. 

July 4.—At the Centralia colliery, the night engineer of pumping- 
engine was fired upon by two men from door of engine-house, but was 
not injured. The two former engineers, James McBraerty and Patrick 
Devine, had struck against a reduction of wages, and the man fired at 
had taken one of their places. 

July 6.—About half-past two o’clock in the morning, police officer 
Frank Yost, of the Tamaqua police, was shot by two men in Tamaqua. 
He lived until about ten o’clock that morning. Officer McCarron, who 
was standing across the street, fired at the men, but hit neither of them. 
At the time Yost was shot, he was on a ladder, at a lamp-post, turning 
off the gas. The night was very dark. 

July 15.—Another attempt was made to assassinate William Thomas. 
He had just got into a passenger-car at the Lehigh Valley Railroad 
depot, at Mahanoy City, for the purpose of going home to Shoemaker’s 
colliery, when he noticed several rough-looking men watching him. 


Immediately surmising their object, he started to go out of the car, the ~ 


train just leaving the depot, and as he jumped from the car a shot was 
fired at him from the platform, but without effect. This party were 
also strangers. 


Aes 


Mr. John Taylor—Please leave Glen Carbon, or if you dont you 
will suffer; by order of the B.S. H. We will give you one week to 
go but if you are alive on next Saturday you will die: Remember and 


leave. 
(No signature.) 


3 = he 


Now men i have warented ye before and i willnt warind you no mor 
—but i will gwrintee yo the will be the report of the revolver. _ 





B08 if: APPENDIX. 





Notice is here given to you men the first and the last Notice that 
you will get for no man to go Down this slope After to Night if yo 
Do you Can Bring your Coffion Along With you for By the internal 
. Crist We mear What this Notice says you Drift man stop at home and 
Cut no more Coal let him go and get Coal himself I Dont mean En- 
gineer or firemans let them mine there one Work now men the Next 
Notice you Will get I Dont mean to Do it with my Pen I Will Do it 
With that there Rolver I Don’t Want no more Black legs at this Col- 


lary. 


Notice you have Caried this as far as you.can By cheating thy men 
you three Bosses Be Carefull if the Above dont Be your home ina 
short Time. 


From a Sfranger 
ae he nowes you 


(No signature.) 


Kram 
Smith 





Tomas 


APPENDIX. 369 


a1 5 


Take notice Aneny Black Leg that will Take Aney Eunnion man 
Plac will have A hard Road to travel you will Rot in this shape if you | 


wish 
to Escape this home (CO Hg Coal 


acer 
If Thomas Martin Dont Stop we will burn down his Breaker. 


By a stranger 


(No signature.) 


te 
NOTICE, 


Any blackleg that takes a Union Mans job while He is standing for 
His Rights will have a hard Road to travel and if He dont he will 
have to Suffer the consequences 


a 


SSS 


Beacher and Tilton 


aoe 
NOTICE. 


te 
Any man Starting to Work on the rail road now going to begin under 
the basis will have to Stand the consequnces. So black legs to notice. 


370 | APPENDIX. 


a 
GaN 


Black Legs Take Notice— 


that you are in dang er of your Life by working in the mines without 
the Consent of the union men of Swatara Branch 14 Dis 
at Middle Crick mines. 


Frackville Dec. 28, 1874 
J. H. OLHAUSEN 
Supt 
Dear Sir 

At a special meeting of Branch No. 3 of the 
M. W. B. Ass. Members of the Branch comprising the whole working 
force of the Road Plane and Level. that they have decided to quit 
work at 6 o’clock P. M. New Year eve for to attend their first Annual 
Ball. Hoping that you will arrange accordingly with this committee 
who will present you. with this copy 


I remain Yours'truly 
W. F. Payne Prest 
Chas Hartsog Secty 


Bm ad Eye 
Gordon Feb 9, 1875. 


The employees of gordon members of the M. W. B. A. of gordon 
do petition officers of the M. H. M. S. divission to grant us the privil- 
lege of going to work at 7 o’clock A. M. but no later than seven but 
are willing to go to work before seven if the officers want us to do so 
2nd that when engine or crew goes out at 7 o’clock A. M. and comes in 
at 6 o’clock P. M. that they receive a day for it the same as they get 
on other parts of the divission 3nd when an engine with a regular crew 
is sent to work on another part of this divission the crew belongs to 
said engine to go along with her for it has been a practice when an 
Engine was wanted at Shamokin and other parts of the divission the 
engine was sent and the regular crew of said engine had ‘to lay off the 


APPENDIX. 371 


employees at gordon do ask as a favor the officers of this divission to 
have those matters settled. we remain 
Respectfully your Committe. 
P. H. Nolan T. J. Smith 
C. A. Miller C. S. Wilson 


3 Bs 6a Be 


Moh Plane Mar. 19 1875 
J. H. Olhausen Supt 


The following resolution were passed by Branch No. 3. of M. & W. 
B. Ass. That all Branches of Industry cease work to-morrow morn- 
ing Sat. Mar 20 | 75 and will not work till such members as were des- 
charged are reinstated 

By order of the Branch 
Chas Hartsog 
Secty 


ot 87 i 
(Notice found posted at Locust Summit, March 31, 1875.) 
NOTICE 


Mr. Black-legs if you dont leave in 2 days time you meet your doom 
their will Bee an open war 
imeateatly 


a 
(Notice found in yard of D. Patchen, Engineer, Cressona.) 


from the gap | Daniel Patch 

remember you will be running in this coal region at night 
you took an nother mans engin we will give you fair warning in time 
and some more. V. L. 


< 


M. M. H. S.T. 


NA 


372 ‘APPENDIX, 


Bsa he 


we hear notify you to leave th Road for you took a nother man chop 
take a warning to Save your live 
to Yost 





(From the AZners’ Fournal, March 30, 1867.) of 


MURDERS IN SCHUYLKILL COUNTY DURING THE 
LAST THREE YEARS. 






As considerable attention is now paid by the press abroad to the~ 
terrible prevalence of crime in Schuylkill County and the insecurity of © 
life and property, and as legislation is asked on this important matter, ~ 
we-publish below the murders known to have been committed in this 
county from January I, 1863, to this date. The list is a startling record. 


LSose 


January 2.—James Bergen, killed by shooting, Coal Castle. 

March 3.—Mary Cochlin, killed by ill-treatment from her husband, 
Pottsville. 

April 6.—Ellen Shay, killed by her husband, Timothy Shay, St. Clair: 

April 8.—Joseph Riland, killed by Felix Cilley, Pottsville. 

April 26.—Patrick Gillon, killed by A. Leary, by stabbing, Nor- 
wegian Township. 

August 15.—Daniel Eckerly, killed by James Burk, by stabbing, 
Ashland. 

August 23.—Gilmore, killed by cause unknown, Pottsville. 

August 30.—John W. W. Noble, killed by shooting with a pistol, 
Pottsville. 

September 25.—Charles Mendham, killed by shooting, Pottsville. 

October 17.—Patrick J. Hassey, killed by shooting, St. Clair. 

November 17.—Margaret Brown, killed by kicks and blows, Nor- 
wegian Township. ° 

November 2.—Man unknown, killed by cause unknown, Tremont 
Township. 


November 13.—David Davis, killed by cause unknown, Mount Laffee. 
i" 


& yr 


APPENDIX. 373 


186+. 


January 12,—Patrick Ormsby, killed by pistol-shot, Mahanoy Town- 
ship. 

February 13.—Hiram Freher, killed by beating, Tremont Township. 

February 27.—John Stinson, killed by stabbing, Blythe Township. 

February 27.—James Shiels, killed by Hugh Curran, by stabbing, 
Blythe Township. 

March 17.—Mary Brennan, killed by cause unknown, Cass Town- 
ship. 

April 11.—Michael Curren, killed by John Britt, by shooting, Mine 
Hill Gap. 

August 14.—Alice Devlan, killed by cause unknown, Cass Township. 

August 21.—Unknown man killed by being mutilated, Mahanoy 
Township. 

August 29.—Elizabeth pi Faae killed by cause unknown, Cass 


- Township. 


September 11.—Robert Gardner, killed by clubs and axes by Dennis 
Aiken, John Donnelly, and a man unknown, Tremont Township. 

October 10.—Michael Bemerick, killed by shooting, Minersville. 

October 11.—George W. Thompson, killed by violence, Tremont 
Township. 

November 10.—Reese Jenkins, killed by pistol-shot, Mahanoy City. 

November 20.—John Lawler, killed by Patrick Dolan, by stabbing, 
Foster Township. 


LSos- 


January 3.—Edward McAtee, killed by Andrew Sorocco, blows and 
kicks, Pottsville. 

January 18.—Michael Darken, killed by Michael Merrick, by shoot- 
ing, St. Clair. 

May 15.—William Williams, killed by John Barnet, by shooting, 
Blythe Township. 

June 16.—William A. Boyle, killed by cause unknown, Pottsville. 

April 3.—Enoch Evans, killed by Lewis Hurtig, by stabbing, Port 
Carbon. 

April 30.—Patrick Clawes, killed by James Brennan, by pistol-shot, 
Shenandoah City. 

April 30.—Michael Clawes, killed by James Brennan and John De- 
laney, by pistol-shot, Shenandoah City. 


32 


374 APPENDIX. 


July 2,—Thomas J. Hagerty, killed by Hugh Riddle, ek stabbing, 
North Manheim Township. 
August 14.—Nicholas Burkhard, killed by shooting, Pottsville. 
August 25.—David Muir, killed by shooting, Reilly Township. 
- October 23.—John McMachy, killed by Patrick Delaney, by stabbing, 
Foster Township. 
December 25.—Albert Pittz, killed by Thomas Griffith, by blow, 
Locust Dale. 


fesse ts 


January 10.—H. H. Dunne, killed by shooting, Norwegian Town- 
_ ship. 

January 19.—Mark Mala, killed by Thomas McAnalley, by shooting, 
Mahanoy Township. 

April 2.—Patrick Dooling, shot and killed while attempting to mur- | 
der Mr. Lewis, boss at Cole’s colliery, Mahanoy Township. 

July 4.—Lewis Williams, killed by Patrick Conners, by shooting, 
Llewellyn. 

September 9.—George Theobold, killed by unknown person, by 
shooting, Mahanoy City. 


seis 


February 9. —Michael Kain, killed by John Kain, by shooting, New 
Philadelphia. 

February 11.—John Donohoe, shot and killed while attacking North- 
all’s house, Tuscarora. 

March 15.—William H. Littlehales, killed by unknown men, by 
shooting, Cass Township. 

March 22.—Patrick Stinson, killed by James Gallagher, by shooting, 
Mahanoy Township. 

March 23.—Jacob Johnson, killed by Irish robber, by shooting, 
Union Township. 

In all, fifty murders. 

The murder of Mr. Littlehales and that of Mr. Johnson are too new 
to need comment. 

In 1866 six murderous assaults, in which parties were seriously in- 
jured, and twenty-seven robberies recorded. 

In 1867, to March 16, there were six murderous assaults and twenty- 
seven robberies, which we have been called upon to record, independent 
of the murders. 


APPENDIX. 375 


We have heard of several other murders and homicides, of which 
the particulars could not be obtained, the bodies having been removed 
secretly. 

But few arrests of the murderers have been made. 


TEST, SIGNS, AND PASSWORDS.* 


Test.—I do declare and promise, in the name and through the as- 
sistance of the A. O. H., that I will endeavor to keep inviolable all 
the secrets of this board or fraternal society from all but those I believe 
to be regular members and bound in the same fraternal ties. 

Ist. I declare and promise that I will support the present Constitu- 
tion and By-Laws of the A. O. H. in preference to any other. 

2d. That I will be true and steadfast to the brethren of this society, 
dedicated to Saint Patrick, the holy patron of Ireland, in all things law- 
ful, and not otherwise, and that I will duly and regularly attend when 
my lawful superiors shall think proper, and conform myself to the regu- 
lations made by them, so long as those who are or may be in trust shall 
think proper. . 

3d. That I will not knowingly or willingly provoke, challenge, or 
fight any of my brothers. If a brother should be ill spoken, or other- 
wise treated unjustly, I will, according to circumstances, espouse his 
cause and give him the earliest information; aiding him with my 
sincere friendship when in distress, 

4th. I also declare and promise that I will not admit or propose any 
person of bad or suspicious character into our honorable board know- 
ing him to be such, and that I will endeavor to propagate friendship 
and brotherly love among such of my acquaintances as may be thought 
worthy of such confidence. 

5th. That I will not at any meeting drink to intoxication, so as to 
endanger a disclosure of names, regulations, or members thereof. 

6th. That in towns and counties I will be attached to our national 
interest according as opportunity may answer, and I will not wrong a 
brother to my knowledge. 

7th. That I will not withdraw myself from this honorable board or 
join in society with persons of other denominations, not meaning 


* The test, signs, and passwords here printed were discovered by the detectives 
and kindly placed at my disposal.—F. P. D. 


376 APPENDIX. 


trade societies, sailors, or soldiers. (This is laid on the floor, then 
picked up with the right hand and kissed.) 

8th. I, , having made the above promises of my own 
free will and accord, may our brethren assist me in my endeavors to 
fulfill the same and protect our friendship, and grant us to live in a state 
of grace, that we may show forth to the world that we are true and 
honorable Knights of St. Patrick! Amen. « 








SIGNS AND PASSWORDS. 


Q. What is the best remedy for Irish grievances ? 
A. An Irish Parliament in College Green. 
Q. Will the Irish hold on for their rights ? 
A. Yes; their rights they will fight for, and in justice must have. 
QUARRELING ToAsTt.—Q. What is the meaning of all this? 
A. Iam insulted. 
SicN.—Two first fingers of the right hand downwards on the apple 
of the throat. 
Answer.—Two first fingers of the left hand to the side of the nose. 
Bopy-MASTER’sS TOAST.—Q. May the exiles so noble and brave still 
firm stand ! 
A. Yes; for tyrants we make tremble and hope our country to save. 
PRIVATE MARK.—Dot on last o but one on card. 
Toast.—Q. What do you think of our nation ? 
A. The land question will cause great *vexation. 
Q. The tory landlords will oppose : 1é Dill. — 
A. Yes; Bishop McHale will praise their master still. ° 
WINTER NicGHT PassworDs.—Q. The winter nights are sharp and 
clear. 
A. Yes; I hope heresy will soon disappear. 
QUARRELING ToAst.—Q. Friend, do not be too fast. 
A. Iam too much aggravated. 
SicN.—The right forefinger and thumb to the point of the vest, be- 
tween second and third button-holes. 
Answer.—The left hand to the bottom of the sleeve. 
BoDyY-MASTER’S ToAsT.—Q. May all Irishmen in peace agree! 
A. And in friendship bands our country free. * 
Toast.—Q. What is the cause of this council at Rome? 
A. To show heresy the way.to salvation and eternal freedom to gain. 
Q. Will the Bishop at Rome Erin’s friendship despise ? 
A. No; it is the key to protection and true faith to keep alive. 
WINTER NIGHT PAssworDs.—Q. Dark nights are unpleasant. 
32* 


APPENDIX. 377 


A. Yes, for strangers to travel. 

QUARRELING Toast.—Q. Friend, what is wrong with you ? 

A. I have reason to complain. 

SicN.—The right hand to the right eyebrow. 

Answer.—The left hand to the left eyebrow. 

Bopy-MASTER’s ToAst.—Q. May Erin’s sons for tenant rights all 
agree! 

A. Yes, from tithes and taxes we trust to be free. 

Toast.—Q. What do the powers of Europe intend to do? 

A. To cripple the Church heresy has in view. 

Q. If France, Spain, and Austria does firm stand, they will drive 
Victor Emanuel from the Pope’s land ? 

A. (Not given.) 

WINTER NIGHT PAssworps.—Q. The clouds are heavy. 

A. Yes ; astorm is approaching. 

QUARRELING ToAst.—Q. What is the offense, sir? 

A. Itis my fault. 

SicN.—The forefinger of the right hand drawn down on the point of 
the nose. 

Answer.—The forefinger of the left hand drawn over the apple of 
the throat. 

BoDY-MASTER’s TOAST.—Q. May our race all with us unite! 

A. Yes, like Derry and Belfast, to give us liberty and right. 

PRIVATE MARK.—A pen- through the last ¢ on card. 

TOoAsT.—Q* What is your. ion of the present state of affairs in 
France ? 

A. The Irish President the reins of power. 

Q. Will the French unite to e their wrongs? 

A, Yes; with McMahon at their head they will gain what Napoleon 
lost. 

QUARRELING ToAst.—Q. Who is in the wrong ? 

A. Not I, tried and true. 

S1GN.—The thumb of the right hand under the chin. 

Answer.—The left hand grasping the left collar of the coat. 

Bopy-MASTER’S ToAst.—Q. May the hills and glens of Motherland 
once more resound to the tramp of ‘the Irish clans! 

A. Yes, and place the green victoriously above the red. 

PRIVATE MARK.—A dot on the first 7 on the card. 

Toast.—Q. What do you think of England’s bigotry ? 

A. Ireland has gained a grand victory. Mr. Butt has let the bigot 
Saxon see that one noble bishop must be free. 






378 APPENDIX. 


QUARRELING ToAsT.—Q. You are very stiff, sir. 

A. I am always so. 

SIGN.—Catch the left ear with the right hand. 

Answer.—The left hand to the right ear. : 

BopyY-MASTER’sS ToasT.—Q. May the sons of St. Patrick unite to be 
free! , 

A. Yes, and protect the Church against heresy. 

PRIVATE MARK.—A dot on the first v on the card. 

Tast.—Q. What is your opinion of the education question ? 

A. Gladstone is bound to give Ireland her demands, 

Q. France is preparing ? 

A. Yes, and so is the Czar. Yes, and Ireland for her liberty when 
they proclaim war. 

WINTER NIGHT PassworpDs.—Q. The night is on the turn. 

A. Yes, so is our enemies. ; 

QUARRELING ToastT.—Q. You seem unpleasant, sir. 

A. Yes, but I see I am astray. 

S1GN.—The right hand to the bottom of the vest, and pull down by 
the waist. 

Answer. The left hand on the left hip. 

Bopy-MASTER’S ToAst.—Q. May all Catholic nations unite and agree! 

A. Yes, and break down Bismark’s plans and protect the Holy See. 

PRIVATE MArK.—Make a stroke across the last a on card. 

Toast.—Q. What is your opinion of the coming election ? 

A, We hope rulers will carry the sway 

Q. Ireland must get what she wants. 

A. Yes, with the united action of the clergy and people. 

WINTER NIGHT PAssworps.—Q. There is a change on the nights, 

A. The times are also changing. 

QUARRELING ToOAST.—Q. Be not afraid. 

A. I will not disgrace my country. 

SicN.—Rub with the middle finger of the ve hand inside the right 
side of shirt neck. 

Answer. The middle finger of the left hand inside the left side of 
shirt-neck. 

Bopy-MASTER’S TOAST.—Q. May the President of France and Don 
Carlos of Spain unite to restore the Pope back to his right again! 

A. (Not given.) 

PRIVATE MARK.—A dot on first c on card. 

Toast.—Q. What do you think of the Liberal cause ? 

A. They have made a great change in the country’s laws. 





APPENDIX. 379 


QO. Yes, the tories’ power is not so great. 
A. Yes, we have a change in the power of state. 
QUARRELING ToAstT.—Q. For what do you quarrel, sir? 
A. For want of patience. 
S1GN.—The two first fingers of the right hand to the chin, 
Answer.—The left hand to the left eyebrow. Py 
Bopy-MASTER’s Toast.—Q. May our cause now be firm, for the 
day is at hand! 

A. Yes, when tyrants may tremble and flee from our land. 
PRIVATE MARK.—Pen-hole through last s on card. 
Toast.—Q. What is your opinion of the land bill ? 

Gladstone holds our country in bondage still. 
A. Yes, if we had honest men our cause to take 

We by union could have a power in state. 
- QUARRELING ToAsT.—Q. Why do you ruffle me, sir? 

A. Lam sorry for it. 
Sicn.—The right hand to the lower lip, pulling it down. 
Answer.—The left hand to the right elbow, with a rub. 
Bopy-MASTER’S ToAst.—Q. May our union be firm and true! 
A. Yes, our cause has done great work, and still has more to do. 
PRIVATE MARK.—Dot on first ¢ on card. 


* 
(From the Shenandoah Herald, June 8, 1876.) 


- 


When affairs in this county were in a very different condition from 
what they are in to-day, the following letter was received by the 
editor of the Herald: 


*€ GIRARDVILLE, PENNSYLVANIA. 


“ DEAR SIR:” (The first few lines refer to a matter of business,—the 
printing of some Ancient Order of Hibernia charters,—upon which the 
writer wishes no remarks to be made.) “I am surprised at the zest 
displayed by you through the medium of the daily (4era/2) on the 
situation of affairs in the county, and believe that the stand taken by ° 
you is unwarrantable. We are thoroughly aware that lawless acts have 
been committed during the past few months, but does the 


‘REIGN OF TERROR’ 


facilitate a return to quietness and good feeling? I am deeply inter- 
ested in this matter, for I am under the impression, which has been 


380 APPENDIX. 


conveyed to my mind from the remarks of various journals, that with 
them ‘Mollie Maguireism’ is made synonymous with the Ancient Order 
of Hibernians, which is a chartered organization, recognized by the 
Commonwealth, and composed of men who are law-abiding and seek 
the elevation of their members. It was only a few days since one 
of the county journals asserted that Mr. Collin, candidate for County 
Commissioner, was a * Mollie Maguire,’ and, on being contradicted, 
asked if he were not a Hibernian, thus making, as I have said, the 
one synonymous with the other. Now, nothing can be more unjust 
than to charge the order with any acts of lawlessness, and nothing can 
be more inconsistent with the wishes of the people than the agitation 
of this matter by the leading papers of this county. The articles which 
have appeared on this matter have done an incalculable amount of harm, 
and, as a friend to law and order, I woz/d advise their cessation. I 
speak from experience in this matter, and I dare assert that the un- 
necessary 


FIRING OF FIRE-ARMS 


throughout the county, and other minor deeds of lawlessness, are com- 
mitted by men who are the drones of society, and who hope by these 
means to receive an appointment which, though they are unable to” 
sustain, would afford them an indolent living. 

“T am yours respectfully, 


‘JOHN KEHOE, C.D. A. O. Z. 
** October 10, 1875.” 


THE END. 











